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Culture and Ecology of Chaco Canyon and the San Juan Basin

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338 <strong>Chaco</strong> Project Syn<strong>the</strong>sisadopted status based on ranked hierarchies as <strong>the</strong>ycrossed this threshold. Those in areas with highsubsistence diversity adopted age-graded secretsocieties <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r social entities to provide neededservices along <strong>the</strong>ir route to social complexity. Theseleaders arrange periodic feasts, organize funeral rites,<strong>and</strong> supply wives to more distant settlements.At <strong>the</strong> packing threshold, reasonable responsesare to shift to horticulture or pastoralism to increase<strong>the</strong> amount <strong>of</strong> food available. These choices are probablya response to biases in <strong>the</strong> habitat. Thus, domesticationis a response to packing; it is not a directresponse to population pressure alone, but also todifferent rates <strong>of</strong> growth that can be affected byconditions in neighboring regions, processes <strong>of</strong> fusion,or circumscription. It appears later in settlements thatare less conducive to high rates <strong>of</strong> population growth(e. g., where pathogens affect food storage), <strong>and</strong>appears more rapidly in areas where <strong>the</strong>re areconstraints on population expansion.Sedentism is not a prerequisite to agriculture;complete sedentism is not expected until almost alllabor investments are devoted to a single venue forproduction <strong>of</strong> non mobile food resources (Binford2001:438). Some labor investment strategies forplant-dependent foragers include ways to render plantsedible, storage, cultivation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> plants <strong>the</strong>mselves,<strong>and</strong> selection <strong>of</strong> a limited number <strong>of</strong> domesticatedplants for cultivation.The fourth threshold (line 3, or 52.677 personsper 100 km 2 ) marks <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> non-ranked hunterga<strong>the</strong>rerpopulations. Modified hunter-ga<strong>the</strong>rers(complex leaders), mutualists, horticulturalists <strong>and</strong>pastoralists, <strong>and</strong> extensified or mounted hunterga<strong>the</strong>rersshare space on graphs derived from plotting<strong>the</strong> species diversity against <strong>the</strong> loglo populationdensities.The last threshold (line 4, or 304.99 persons per100 km 2 ) marks <strong>the</strong> space in which all hunter-ga<strong>the</strong>rersubsistence practices disappear.Binford concluded that complexity evolves intwo ways. One path is through <strong>the</strong> integration <strong>of</strong> previouslyindependent systems, such as forest-productspecialists or mutualists. In <strong>the</strong>se instances, ownershipor wealth is bartered for food. The o<strong>the</strong>r path isthrough intensification, which may result in complexsocial organization when resources occur in patches,or, if subsistence diversity is high, in egalitariansocieties that maintain age- or sodality-related leaders.One [path to complexity] is associated withscalar changes in group size as, for example,among hunter-ga<strong>the</strong>rers who areprimarily dependent upon terrestrial plants<strong>and</strong> have <strong>the</strong> highest values for populationdensity. In <strong>the</strong>se groups, increased complexityis represented by secret societies<strong>and</strong> social differentiation based on anindividual's progress through a series <strong>of</strong>aggregated sodalities.These societal structures are also embeddedin a social fabric that features ownership orunchallenged association <strong>of</strong> persons withspecific, highly productive locations forresource exploitation. Intensification is apparentin <strong>the</strong> increased labor inputsrequired at <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> harvest <strong>and</strong> preparationfor storage, as well as during <strong>the</strong>food processing required for immediateconsumption. This pathway to intensificationis associated with decreased dependenceupon terrestrial animals <strong>of</strong> large bodysize <strong>and</strong> a shift <strong>of</strong> male labor into rolespreviously assumed by female laborers,particularly <strong>the</strong> collection <strong>and</strong> processing<strong>of</strong> plant materials.At <strong>the</strong> same time that group size increases,<strong>the</strong>re is an institutionalization <strong>of</strong> regularregional interactions among <strong>the</strong> growingcommumtIes. Round-robin hosting <strong>and</strong>mutual participation in mortuary rites <strong>and</strong>educational events are major expressions <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> regional, institutionalizedinteraction, as are moieties, whichperform complementary functions thatcrosscut at least some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> residentialunits. (Binford 2001:432-433)There are, <strong>the</strong>refore, several paths that lead to <strong>the</strong>same outcome. The similarities between horticulturalistson <strong>the</strong> eastern seaboard <strong>of</strong> North America, <strong>the</strong>plant-dependent hunter-ga<strong>the</strong>rers <strong>of</strong> California, <strong>and</strong><strong>the</strong> Pueblo peoples <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> American Southwest, all <strong>of</strong>

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