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THINKING<br />

about<br />

THEORY<br />

attacked, and denounce the pacifists for lack of<br />

patriotism and exposing the country to danger. It<br />

works the same in every country. (In Crowther,<br />

2004, p. 12)<br />

But to many of the war’s supporters this was<br />

betrayal. They had believed their government, and<br />

their government had misled them. Michael Getler,<br />

ombudsman for the Washington Post (an early supporter<br />

of the invasion), explained, “Almost everything<br />

we were told [by the administration] before the war,<br />

other than Saddam Hussein is bad, has turned<br />

out…. not to be the case: the weapons of <strong>mass</strong> destruction,<br />

the imagery of nuclear mushroom clouds,<br />

the links between al-Qaida and Saddam, the welcome,<br />

the resistance, the costs, the number of<br />

troops needed” (quoted in Rich, 2004, p. 12). More<br />

dramatically, Vanity Fair editor Graydon Carter concurred:<br />

“All the manufactured justifications for going<br />

to war crumbled on a bloody bone pile of deception<br />

and dissolution” (2004, p. 62).<br />

Still other war supporters argued that the manufactured<br />

justifications really didn’t matter. The war was a<br />

good thing—it removed a madman from power, freed<br />

the Iraqi people, and would bring democracy to the<br />

Middle East. In other words, they accepted Edward<br />

Bernays’s idea of the need for the government to engineer<br />

consent—the “freedom to persuade … because<br />

in a democracy, results ‘do not just happen’”<br />

(quoted in Sproule, 1997, p. 213). They accepted<br />

Lasswell’s fatalism, that in our modern society “it is<br />

no longer possible to fuse the waywardness of individuals<br />

in the furnace of the war dance…. Anewflame<br />

must burn out the canker of dissent and temper the<br />

steel of bellicose enthusiasm. The name of this new<br />

PROPAGANDA COMES TO THE UNITED STATES<br />

Chapter 4 The Rise of Media Theory in the Age of Propaganda 79<br />

ENGINEERING CONSENT: WMD AND THE WAR IN IRAQ<br />

(CONTINUED)<br />

hammer and anvil of social solidarity is propaganda”<br />

(Lasswell, 1927a, pp. 220–221). Six years after the<br />

invasion, former British Prime Minister Tony Blair admitted<br />

that this was the Allies’ goal all along. He told<br />

the BBC that Saddam Hussein’s presence in the<br />

Middle East was enough of a threat to justify the<br />

war, but “obviously you would have had to use and<br />

deploy different arguments about the nature of the<br />

threat” (in Ritchie, 2009).<br />

What do you think? Do you believe that the government<br />

has the right (or obligation) to engineer your<br />

consent, because “in a democracy, results don’t just<br />

happen?” Do you agree with Goering, that use of the<br />

“we’re being threatened” master symbol works the<br />

same in all countries? Do you think that it is appropriate<br />

for our leaders to propagandize us into the<br />

“furnace of the war dance” and actively suppress<br />

“the canker of dissent”? In a democracy, can dissent<br />

ever be a “canker”? Or do you agree with Canadian<br />

scholar Stanley Cunningham, who argues that government<br />

propaganda is always a “disservice” to democracy<br />

because<br />

it plays upon perplexity; it cultivates confusion;<br />

it poses as information and knowledge; it generates<br />

belief systems and tenacious convictions;<br />

it prefers credibility and belief states to knowledge;<br />

it supplies ersatz assurances and certainties; it<br />

skews perceptions; it systematically disregards<br />

superior epistemic values such as truth, understanding<br />

and knowledge; it discourages reasoning<br />

and a healthy respect for rigor, evidence, and<br />

procedural safeguards; it promotes the easy acceptance<br />

of unexamined belief and supine ignorance.<br />

(2000, p. 6)<br />

Americans first began to give serious consideration to the power of propaganda in<br />

the years following World War I. The war had demonstrated that modern propaganda<br />

techniques could be used with startling effectiveness to assemble <strong>mass</strong>ive armies<br />

and to maintain civilian morale through long years of warfare. Never before<br />

had so many people been mobilized to fight a war. Never before had so many<br />

died with so little to show for it over such a long period of time and under such<br />

harsh conditions. Earlier wars had been quickly settled by decisive battles. But in<br />

this war, <strong>mass</strong>ive armies confronted each other along a front that extended for<br />

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Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.

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