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88 Section 2 The Era of Mass Society and Mass Culture<br />

INSTANT ACCESS<br />

Propaganda Theory<br />

Strengths Weaknesses<br />

1. Is first systematic <strong>theory</strong> of <strong>mass</strong><br />

<strong>communication</strong><br />

2. Focuses attention on why media might<br />

have powerful effects<br />

3. Identifies personal, social, and cultural<br />

factors that can enhance media’s power to<br />

have effects<br />

4. Focuses attention on the use of campaigns<br />

to cultivate symbols<br />

THE INSTITUTE FOR PROPAGANDA ANALYSIS<br />

1. Underestimates abilities of average people to<br />

evaluate messages<br />

2. Ignores personal, social, and cultural factors<br />

that limit media effects<br />

3. Overestimates the speed and range of media<br />

effects<br />

Should the power of propaganda be used for democratic ends (the Lasswell/Lippmann<br />

view), or because propaganda, by its very existence, was antidemocratic,<br />

was education the best way to deal with it (the Dewey view)? The disagreement<br />

over the proper place of propaganda in a democracy was no theoretical exercise.<br />

Social scientists believed the fate of the country, the world in fact, rested on its<br />

outcome.<br />

In 1937, the threat of external propaganda was so great that a group of social<br />

scientists, journalists, and educators founded the Institute for Propaganda Analysis<br />

with the goal of orchestrating a nationwide educational effort to combat its effects.<br />

During the four years of its existence, the institute was quite productive, generating<br />

numerous pamphlets, books, and articles explaining how propaganda works (read<br />

more about propaganda techniques in the box entitled “Applying the Seven Propaganda<br />

Techniques”). The institute was successful in developing an antipropaganda<br />

curriculum adopted by high schools and adult education programs across the country.<br />

It was so successful that it came under attack for undermining the effectiveness<br />

of propaganda techniques seen as essential to defending democracy.<br />

In 1941, an opponent and a defender of the institute’s educational efforts faced<br />

off in the pages of Public Opinion Quarterly, a journal that devoted considerable<br />

attention to propaganda during the 1930s and 1940s. Bruce L. Smith questioned<br />

the value of propaganda analysis, that is, education, because he believed it fostered<br />

cynicism that could actually lead most students toward authoritarian views. At the<br />

time he wrote this article, he headed the U.S. Justice Department’s efforts to censor<br />

propaganda and arrest foreign agents who engaged in it. He argued:<br />

Students at first become tremendously interested in the sportive side of launching an<br />

attack on “propaganda devices.” . . . After this first excitement, they tend to become<br />

morally indignant, at least in most cases, about the sheer quantity of fraud and misleading<br />

utterance to which they have been exposed all their lives, especially in paid<br />

advertising and in political speeches. At this point they have a tendency to espouse<br />

some program or other of violent censorship and even suppression of those who issue<br />

Copyright 2010 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s).<br />

Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.

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