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310 Section 4 Contemporary Mass Communication Theory<br />

personalities. But how likely is it that these solutions can actually be implemented?<br />

Politicians and journalists are reluctant to change patterns of behavior that serve their<br />

immediate purposes—getting elected to office and attracting audiences to campaign<br />

coverage. And after every election campaign in recent years, private foundations have<br />

sponsored major conferences at which politicians and journalists have pledged to<br />

improve the quality of campaign <strong>communication</strong>. But the same mistakes are repeated<br />

in campaign after campaign. An increasingly alienated public seems unlikely to suddenly<br />

develop an interest in issues, even if they become bored with political spectacles.<br />

Journalism professor Jay Rosen, however, sees the Internet and its expansion<br />

of the range of legitimate public discourse as an antidote to media intrusion and<br />

its attendant audience atomization. “In the age of <strong>mass</strong> media,” he wrote, “the<br />

press was able to define the sphere of legitimate debate with relative ease because<br />

people on the receiving end were atomized—connected ‘up’ to Big Media but not<br />

across to each other. And now that authority is eroding” (2009). Drawing on<br />

ideas from Daniel Hallin’s 1986 book, The Uncensored War, Rosen argued that<br />

traditional, mainstream news production practices and objectivity rituals intrude<br />

on public discourse by limiting it to the sphere of consensus (for example, America<br />

is the land of opportunity) about which everyone agrees, so no need to question its<br />

veracity; and the sphere of legitimate debate, the outer regions of which are represented<br />

by the two major political parties, so turning to official spokespeople is journalism<br />

at its best. What is missing is the sphere of deviance, political people and<br />

views that journalists and the political elite deem unworthy of being heard; “journalists<br />

maintain order by either keeping the deviant out of the news entirely or identifying<br />

it within the news frame as unacceptable, radical, or just plain impossible.” He<br />

explained elsewhere, “The ’Net fundamentally changes that, not just because it introduces<br />

more voices into the published arena. That’s part of it. But really that, it connects<br />

us to other people who feel the same way when they’re watching the news,<br />

who have said to themselves: ‘Wait, that’s not the range of debate. Oh, wait a minute,<br />

that doesn’t sound such a deviant idea to me, I know you’re portraying it that<br />

way’” (in Greenwald, 2009c). Using the Internet, people can identify and discuss<br />

ideas and actions that they decide are legitimate, expanding the realm of public discourse,<br />

and around which they can generate and expend social capital.<br />

INSTANT ACCESS<br />

Media Intrusion Theory<br />

Strengths Weaknesses<br />

1. Provides basis for social change<br />

2. Raises important questions about operation<br />

of news media organizations<br />

1. Focuses on operation of news media but has<br />

not empirically demonstrated its effect<br />

2. Has overly pessimistic view of news media<br />

and their social role<br />

3. Focuses too much on intrusion into politics<br />

4. Is based on elite pluralism assumptions<br />

Copyright 2010 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s).<br />

Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.

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