mass-communication-theory

308 Section 4 Contemporary Mass Communication Theory
media intrusion
theory
Idea that media
have intruded into
and taken over
politics to the degree
that politics
have become
subverted
social capital
The influence
potential leaders
develop as a result
of membership
and participation
in social groups
broad range of empirical research in political science and communication. This
theory is a contemporary variant of elite pluralism, especially the work of political
scientist V. O. Key (see Chapter 6). It assumes that the political system operates
best when a responsible and informed political elite mediates between the public
and its elected leaders. This elite, however, has a grassroots base. Leaders work
their way into positions of power through their involvement in local, regional, and
national social organizations—from local parent-teacher groups to the national
Red Cross. Political parties serve as umbrella organizations in which leaders of
various groups broker power. Most members of this elite don’t hold political
office but work behind the scenes serving the interests of the groups they lead.
Researchers are concerned because there is growing evidence that this political
system is breaking down.
One concern is that many social groups that develop these leaders are losing
membership and influence. Theorists refer to this as declining social capital, and a
growing body of research has documented this decline in most Western nations.
Media intrusion theorists blame media for this because many people stay home to
consume media content rather than participate in local groups. The rise of television
as a popular medium directly parallels this decline in social capital, so there is
at least a plausible, if possibly spurious, link (Putnam, 2000).
The decline in social capital is seen as having many detrimental consequences.
When politicians can no longer rely on local groups to which they had or have a
connection to rally grassroots support for them, they are forced to turn to political
consultants who advise them on how to use media to appeal to voters. But the televised
political advertising and dramatic news coverage required to rally apathetic
supporters come with a high price. Elites must spend precious time raising money
and then spend it on questionable forms of campaign communication. For example,
in the 2006 midterm congressional elections, the two major political parties
spent nearly thirty dollars for each vote cast ($2.35 billion for 83 million votes)
for cable and broadcast television time alone. That was more than double what
was spent per vote on television in the 2002 midterm elections and triple the costper-vote
in the 2000 presidential election (Johnson, 2006). Television stations reap
windfall profits from this advertising, but broadcast journalists express frustration
about the way political consultants manipulate news coverage.
The decline in social capital also has a direct impact on political parties.
Ideally, parties function as “grand coalitions” of a broad range of social interest
groups. They serve as a means by which these groups are able to achieve their
goals. But as social capital has eroded, grassroots political party activity has also
declined. This falloff has been well documented, as has been the drop in political
affiliation and voting (Entman, 1989). Again, these changes in political parties
occurred at the same time that television became a dominant medium.
In addition to eroding social capital, media intrusion theorists typically argue
that television has directly subverted political campaign politics by undermining
party control over elections. Some even argue that television has replaced parties in
the election process (Patterson, 1980). Candidates no longer need party support—
some actively avoid it. Instead, candidates hire political consultants to guide their
media use. Candidates very often avoid all mention of their political party.
Campaigns promote candidates, not parties.
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