10.06.2013 Views

mass-communication-theory

mass-communication-theory

mass-communication-theory

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.

to questions about the role of media. They offer<br />

ways of addressing problems posed by media—of<br />

taking greater control over them. Proponents of<br />

media literacy, as we’ll see in Chapter 11, offer<br />

ways to help us all become more skilled consumers<br />

and readers of media and their content.<br />

What media literacy proponents emphasize is<br />

that it’s not enough for audiences simply to be<br />

active. Audience activity must be grounded on<br />

informed critical reflection. If we are going to<br />

rely on media to make sense of our social world,<br />

then we need to take more control over how we<br />

do this.<br />

A second reason that audience theories leave<br />

many observers unsatisfied is the difficulty these<br />

theories have in explaining media effects. Several<br />

authors we’ve cited have argued that usesand-gratifications<br />

<strong>theory</strong> developed as a “counter”<br />

to the effects research dominant at the time. Blumler,<br />

for example, wrote that it developed “at a time<br />

of widespread disappointment with the fruits of<br />

attempts to measure the short-term [media] effects<br />

on people” (Blumler, 1979, p. 10). Palmgreen,<br />

Wenner, and Rosengren (1985) wrote: “The dominance<br />

of the ‘effects’ focus in pre– and post–<br />

World War II <strong>communication</strong> research tended<br />

to overshadow … concern with individual differences”<br />

(p. 12). In a sense, proponents of audience<br />

<strong>theory</strong> could not allow themselves the luxury of<br />

demonstrating or even postulating effects because<br />

that would have been heresy to the then-dominant<br />

limited-effects perspective.<br />

Critical cultural theorists like Stuart Hall<br />

had another reason for disregarding media effects.<br />

Hall was convinced that effects research was useless<br />

because it largely served the status quo. He<br />

regarded the American focus on postpositivist effects<br />

research with great suspicion, believing that<br />

it primarily served the interests of the media industries.<br />

When researchers found effects, as with<br />

advertising, their findings were exploited to manipulate<br />

audiences. When they demonstrated no<br />

effects or the effects they did find were “limited,”<br />

their work was used to fend off the regulation of<br />

media industries. Hall thought this was nonsense.<br />

He believed that the dominant readings embedded<br />

Chapter 9 Audience Theories: Uses, Reception, and Effects 275<br />

in most media content were obviously propping<br />

up a status quo in which most people were<br />

exploited. But how could he demonstrate this in<br />

a way that would be convincing to someone other<br />

than a neo-Marxist? His answer was reception<br />

analysis—a qualitative research strategy permitting<br />

in-depth exploration of how groups “read”<br />

popular media content from television sitcoms to<br />

punk rock videos. But political economists criticize<br />

reception analysis as providing a different<br />

kind of apology for the media industries because<br />

most reception analysis suggests that people cope<br />

quite nicely with problematic media content.<br />

Individualsnegotiatemeaningortheyengagein<br />

oppositional decoding. Is this so different from the<br />

limited-effects findings produced by postpositivist<br />

effects researchers?<br />

Finally, these audience theories might not<br />

seem as “clean” or straightforward as some of<br />

the other ideas we’ve studied because they are<br />

best regarded not as highly coherent, systematic<br />

conceptual frameworks (true theories) but rather<br />

as loosely structured perspectives through which<br />

a number of ideas and theories about media<br />

choice, consumption, sense-making, and even<br />

impact can be viewed. As Blumler himself said,<br />

There is no such thing as a or the uses and gratification<br />

<strong>theory</strong>, although there are plenty of theories<br />

about uses and gratification phenomena, which<br />

may well differ with each other over many issues.<br />

Together, they will share a common field of concern,<br />

an elementary set of concepts indispensable<br />

for intelligibly carving up that terrain, and an identification<br />

of certain wider features of the <strong>mass</strong><br />

<strong>communication</strong> process with which such core phenomena<br />

are presumed to be connected. (1979,<br />

pp. 11–12)<br />

Similarly, there is no one <strong>theory</strong> of reception<br />

analysis, entertainment, ELM, or information<br />

processing. All are quite open-ended. Although<br />

all three began as microscopic theories with a<br />

focus on how and why people make sense of<br />

and learn from specific media content, all have<br />

recently moved somewhat beyond this narrow<br />

focus. All are capable of being applied in innovative<br />

ways to the study of newer forms of media,<br />

Copyright 2010 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s).<br />

Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!