mass-communication-theory

224 Section 3 From Limited-Effects to Critical Cultural Theories: Ferment in the Field
considerable rivalry between them (Murdock, 1989b). Some genuine theoretical
differences separate the two, but they also differ in their research methods and the
academic disciplines in which they are based. With their macroscopic focus on economic
institutions and their assumption that economic dominance leads to or perpetuates
cultural dominance, political economists were slow to acknowledge that
cultural changes can affect economic institutions. Nor do political economists recognize
the diversity of popular culture or the variety of ways in which people
make sense of cultural content. Murdock suggested that the two schools should cooperate
rather than compete. For this to happen, however, researchers on both
sides would have to give up some of their assumptions and recognize that the superstructure
and the base—culture and the media industries—can influence each
other. Both types of research are necessary to produce a complete assessment of
the role of media.
In Chapter 11, we examine some recent proposals for creating integrated perspectives.
One of the most interesting and powerful of these proposals builds on
the notions of media as culture industries first proposed by Horkheimer and
Adorno. It assesses the ways in which the production and distribution of cultural
commodities have profoundly disrupted modern social orders (Enzensberger,
1974; Hay, 1989; Jhally, 1987).
THE DEBATE BETWEEN CULTURAL STUDIES AND
POLITICAL ECONOMY THEORISTS
Despite their shared concerns and assumptions, key differences have led to serious
debates between these two major schools of cultural theory. Cultural studies theorists
tend to ignore the larger social and political context in which media operate.
They focus instead on how individuals and groups consume popular culture content.
Their research has led them to become increasingly skeptical about the power
of elites to promote hegemonic forms of culture. Instead, they have found that average
people often resist interpreting media content in ways that would serve elite
interests (see the discussion of oppositional decoding in Chapter 9). Some cultural
studies theorists have been less interested in making or influencing social policy,
and their research often doesn’t provide a clear basis for criticizing the status quo.
Political economy theorists accuse some cultural studies researchers of abandoning
the historical mission of critical theory in favor of an uncritical celebration of popular
culture. Political economy adherents argue that it is important for theorists to
actively work for social change. You can get some idea of why they think this is
important by reading the box entitled “Media Coverage of Work and Workers.”
Political economy theorists have remained centrally concerned with the larger
social order and elites’ ownership of media. They have criticized the growing privatization
of European media, the decline of public service media institutions in
Europe, and the increasing privatization and centralization of media ownership
around the world. They take pride in remaining true to the mission of critical theory
by remaining politically active and seeking to shape social policy. They have
formed social movements and serve as leaders in others. Above all, political economy
theorists are critical—they have an explicit set of values providing a basis for
their evaluation of the status quo.
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