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2. Philosophy - Stefano Franchi

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conscious phenomena.<br />

F ROM LANGUAGE TO MYTH<br />

This definition gives us just a preliminary characterization, but one nonetheless useful<br />

in order to see structures at work. Let us proceed to a further, but still preliminary refine-<br />

ment of the method with a canonical example drawn from linguistics before approaching<br />

the analysis of anthropological endeavors like the study of kinship systems or the study of<br />

mythology.<br />

Lévi-Strauss, declaring in a bold move that anthropology deals with a different kind of<br />

reality, but is a science of the same type of linguistics, applies the same definition and meth-<br />

od to his discipline. In his first important work, The Elementary Structures Of Kinship, he<br />

describes the general problem facing anthropology as essentially similar to the problem<br />

facing the linguist when confronted with the strange phenomenon of different sounds hav-<br />

ing different roles in different languages and yet seemingly following some hidden rule.<br />

Since the problem was solved in phonology through the introduction of an abstract entity,<br />

the phoneme, an analogous solution must be found in anthropology. In the study of kinship,<br />

says Lévi-Strauss, we observe that the number of psychological “attitudes” (like “affection-<br />

ate,” “warm,” “hostile,” etc.) that individuals may have toward each other is almost unlim-<br />

ited, yet we find that societies actually use only a very small number of them within their<br />

kinship systems. Moreover, not only the attitudes are often very different, sometimes soci-<br />

eties adopting kinship systems with very similar terms (e.g. “wife, “husband,” uncle,” etc.)<br />

have diametrically opposed attitudes regulating the behavior between the elements of the<br />

system. Any explanation of this difference based on the biological features of the terms,<br />

therefore, is bound to fail, since they require that<br />

each detail of terminology and each special marriage rule is associated<br />

with a specific custom as either its consequence or its survival. We thus meet<br />

with a chaos of discontinuity. No one asks how kinship systems, regarded<br />

as synchronic wholes, could be arbitrary products of a convergence of several<br />

heterogeneous institutions (most of which are hypothetical), yet nevertheless<br />

function with some sort of regularity and effectiveness. 7<br />

7. Claude Lévi-Strauss, Anthropologie Structurale…, 42; Engl. tr. 35.<br />

217

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