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shocks and deforestation. Nevertheless, many did not have any strategies at all thatthey would turn to.Table 44: Responses to shocks, Kilosa District, Tanzania, 2010ShocksSerious crop failureDeath, serious illnessClimate/drought/floodsPrice change ofagricultural inputs/outputsCoping mechanismsWent to paid labour; compensating by produce or sell charcoalSold possessions such as crops, land and animals; got assistance fromneighbour; went to paid labour/small businessCompensating by produce or sell charcoal; went to paid labourNo strategy, compensating by produce or sell charcoalPeople cope in similar ways across income groups and villages, but the means ofdoing so favour higher income households. We were told that the richest are able tocope with shocks much better than the rest and are therefore not as affected. This ismainly due to their ability to buy food and seeds if something happens, and isreflected by the overall higher income from non-farm, agriculture, and environmentalactivities. Women were also said to be more affected than men, since they are moredependent on working in the fields. When major shocks occur, men can more easilygo to the forest and do heavy work as a coping strategy.7.3.5. A brief analysis of the most vulnerable householdsAlthough we did not find any relationships between the poorest households and theirvulnerability towards shocks and risks, there a tendency of such was recorded. Out ofcuriosity, we choose to take the 10% poorest households and look into theircharacteristics. This we do in a similar fashion than before, by looking at each villageseparately as well as for an overall clarification. This is shown in Table 45.209