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THERE IS DEATH IN THE POT - The University of Texas at Arlington

THERE IS DEATH IN THE POT - The University of Texas at Arlington

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deb<strong>at</strong>e about the n<strong>at</strong>ure <strong>of</strong> commerce and consumption, gender and sentiment as well the<br />

slave trade. <strong>The</strong> tea table embodied the tensions <strong>of</strong> a rapidly expanding consumer<br />

society. When abstention writers introduced the violence <strong>of</strong> the slave trade into the cozy<br />

tea scene, they reminded readers th<strong>at</strong> the apparent domestic harmony <strong>of</strong> the tea table was<br />

cre<strong>at</strong>ed by a violent form <strong>of</strong> consumption, one <strong>of</strong>ten driven by female desire for fashion.<br />

Yet abstainers believed women could serve as both the n<strong>at</strong>ion’s moral guardian and its<br />

commercial control. <strong>The</strong> tea table, they hoped, could serve as the transform<strong>at</strong>ion <strong>of</strong><br />

female sensibility from self-indulgent to self-sacrificing; in turn women would influence<br />

a new form <strong>of</strong> commerce, defined as much by its moral and cultural qualities as its<br />

financial exchange. 10 Thus, Bayard described the American tea table <strong>at</strong> a critical moment<br />

<strong>of</strong> redefinition.<br />

<strong>The</strong> first abstention campaign illumin<strong>at</strong>es the dynamic rel<strong>at</strong>ionship between<br />

slavery and the ideologies <strong>of</strong> commerce and gender. Shifting ideas about the n<strong>at</strong>ure <strong>of</strong><br />

commerce as well as new opportunities to consume — regardless <strong>of</strong> race, class, or gender<br />

— provided unprecedented opportunities for expression <strong>of</strong> individual values, particularly<br />

10 See Brycchan Carey, British Abolitionism and the Rhetoric <strong>of</strong> Sensibility: Writing, Sentiment<br />

and Slavery, 1760-1807 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), 7-8; G.J. Barker-Benfield, <strong>The</strong> Culture <strong>of</strong><br />

Sensibility: Sex and Society in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Chicago and London: <strong>The</strong> <strong>University</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />

Chicago Press, 1992), 37. Carey suggests th<strong>at</strong> in this period the discourse <strong>of</strong> sensibility served “as a site for<br />

the working out <strong>of</strong> changing gender rel<strong>at</strong>ionships.” Similarly, Barker-Benfield argues th<strong>at</strong> sensibility<br />

<strong>at</strong>tempted to reform female and male manners. In her analysis <strong>of</strong> women’s involvement in the first<br />

abolition campaign, K<strong>at</strong>e Davies argues th<strong>at</strong> female behavior represented “authorit<strong>at</strong>ive moral constancy.”<br />

Thus, abolitionists positioned feminine symp<strong>at</strong>hy apart from the marketplace and defined abolition as a<br />

moral question. While I agree with Davies’s assessment <strong>of</strong> female behavior, I disagree th<strong>at</strong> such behavior<br />

was “apolitical.” See K<strong>at</strong>e Davies, “A Moral Purchase: Femininity, Commerce and Abolition,” in Women<br />

and the Public Sphere: Writing and Represent<strong>at</strong>ion, 1700-1830, ed. Elizabeth Eger, Charlotte Grant, Cliona<br />

O’Gallchoir, and Penny Warburton (Cambridge: Cambridge <strong>University</strong> Press, 2001), 133-159.<br />

5

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