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THERE IS DEATH IN THE POT - The University of Texas at Arlington

THERE IS DEATH IN THE POT - The University of Texas at Arlington

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Thomas Clarkson once again toured Gre<strong>at</strong> Britain to gener<strong>at</strong>e support for the cause. 11 By<br />

the time the Anti-Slavery Society held its first major meeting in 1824, more than two<br />

hundred auxiliaries had been established throughout the country and nearly eight hundred<br />

petitions sent to Parliament. 12 In May 1823, Thomas Fowell Buxton, who had replaced<br />

William Wilberforce as the anti-slavery leader in Parliament, introduced a resolution<br />

calling for the immedi<strong>at</strong>e emancip<strong>at</strong>ion <strong>of</strong> the children <strong>of</strong> slaves and the implement<strong>at</strong>ion<br />

<strong>of</strong> measures th<strong>at</strong> would prepare adult slaves for emancip<strong>at</strong>ion. 13 Despite the concili<strong>at</strong>ory<br />

n<strong>at</strong>ure <strong>of</strong> Buxton’s resolution, Foreign Secretary George Canning <strong>of</strong>fered an altern<strong>at</strong>ive<br />

resolution, which emphasized the need to prepare West Indian slaves for emancip<strong>at</strong>ion<br />

and the importance <strong>of</strong> maintaining property rights and civil order in the colonies.<br />

Canning’s resolutions called for religious instruction for slaves, prohibited work on<br />

Sundays, and abolished the flogging <strong>of</strong> female slaves. Canning opposed Buxton’s<br />

resolution to free upon birth the children <strong>of</strong> slaves believing such a proposal was not<br />

feasible. In an <strong>at</strong>tempt to shape parliamentary action, the West Indian interest in<br />

11 Betty Fladeland, Men and Brothers, 168-177; Hochschild, Bury the Chains, 322-324; Davis,<br />

Inhuman Bondage, 237. Heyrick’s pamphlet, Fladeland claims, “was hurled like a bomb into the midst <strong>of</strong><br />

the b<strong>at</strong>tle. Slavery was a moral issue, she contended, and must be emphasized as such. Neither<br />

immedi<strong>at</strong>ism nor the sinfulness <strong>of</strong> slavery was a new idea, <strong>of</strong> course, but the timing <strong>of</strong> Mrs. Heyrick’s<br />

appeal was all-important, for it caught <strong>at</strong> its full the tide <strong>of</strong> disillusionment with gradualism.” See<br />

Fladeland, Men and Brothers, 181.<br />

12 Ibid. Despite their gender neutral name, auxiliary, or local, anti-slavery societies were in<br />

practice associ<strong>at</strong>ions run by an all-male committee. Thus, the auxiliaries or societies established in this<br />

period were associ<strong>at</strong>ions established by men for men. According to Clare Midgley, “. . . women were<br />

excluded but in a way which rendered their exclusion invisible and taken for granted, r<strong>at</strong>her than a m<strong>at</strong>ter<br />

for deb<strong>at</strong>e.” “In contrast,” Midgley explains, “when the first women’s groups were set up in 1825 their<br />

titles made clear their sex-specific n<strong>at</strong>ure, thus indirectly drawing <strong>at</strong>tention to the sexual division <strong>of</strong> labour<br />

in the anti-slavery movement.” Midgley, Women against Slavery, 45.<br />

13 Buxton’s speech as well as the full deb<strong>at</strong>e <strong>of</strong> May 15, 1823 is recorded in Hansard’s<br />

Parliamentary Deb<strong>at</strong>es, new ser., 9 (May 15, 1823), 257-360.<br />

55

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