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THERE IS DEATH IN THE POT - The University of Texas at Arlington

THERE IS DEATH IN THE POT - The University of Texas at Arlington

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in the marketplace. 11 Women’s marketplace behavior could model the virtue <strong>of</strong> the<br />

family by boycotting sugar, or could instead reflect an uncontrolled pursuit <strong>of</strong> fashion.<br />

Bayard, for example, noted th<strong>at</strong> American women’s “mania for luxury [had] reach[ed]<br />

such an extent th<strong>at</strong> the wife <strong>of</strong> the laboring man wishes to vie in dress with the wife <strong>of</strong> the<br />

merchant, and the l<strong>at</strong>ter does not wish to be inferior to the wealthy women <strong>of</strong> Europe.”<br />

Yet, earlier in his narr<strong>at</strong>ive, Bayard had noted the p<strong>at</strong>riotic behavior <strong>of</strong> American women<br />

who used homespun r<strong>at</strong>her than purchase British goods. 12 <strong>The</strong>se seemingly<br />

contradictory descriptions <strong>of</strong> female economic behavior suggest th<strong>at</strong> the language <strong>of</strong><br />

commerce in this period was entangled with other social, political, and cultural<br />

concerns. 13<br />

Emphasizing women’s economic behavior challenges Thomas Clarkson’s<br />

interpret<strong>at</strong>ion <strong>of</strong> the first slave-sugar boycott. In his 1808 history <strong>of</strong> the abolition <strong>of</strong> the<br />

slave trade, Clarkson argued th<strong>at</strong> public outcry over Parliament’s rejection <strong>of</strong> the slave<br />

trade abolition bill led consumers to reject slave-grown produce. Spurred on by William<br />

11 See Thomas L. Haskell, “Capitalism and the Origins <strong>of</strong> the Humanitarian Sensibility, Part 1,”<br />

and “Capitalism and the Origins <strong>of</strong> the Humanitarian Sensibility, Part 2,”107-135, 136-160; John<br />

Ashworth, “<strong>The</strong> Rel<strong>at</strong>ionship between Capitalism and Humanitarianism,” all in <strong>The</strong> Antislavery Deb<strong>at</strong>e:<br />

Capitalism and Abolitionism as a Problem in Historical Interpret<strong>at</strong>ion, ed., Thomas Bender (Berkeley:<br />

<strong>University</strong> <strong>of</strong> California Press, 1992),180-199; Clare Midgley, “Slave Sugar Boycotts, Female Activism<br />

and the Domestic Base <strong>of</strong> British Anti-Slavery Culture,” Slavery and Abolition 17 (1996), 150-152.<br />

Midgley, building on the arguments <strong>of</strong> Haskell and Ashworth, suggests th<strong>at</strong> the rise <strong>of</strong> consumer society<br />

with its concomitant emphasis on individual choice was necessary for the development <strong>of</strong> the abstention<br />

campaign.<br />

12 Bayard, Travels <strong>of</strong> a Frenchman, 130, 73.<br />

13 See Ellen Hartigan-O’Connor, <strong>The</strong> Ties Th<strong>at</strong> Buy: Women and Commerce in Revolutionary<br />

America (Philadelphia: <strong>University</strong> <strong>of</strong> Pennsylvania Press, 2009), 192. Hartigan-O’Connor argues th<strong>at</strong> the<br />

language <strong>of</strong> “commerce was shot through with other concerns, including affection, family oblig<strong>at</strong>ion, and<br />

ideas about appropri<strong>at</strong>e ‘masculine’ or ‘feminine’ interests. . . . If a market ethos perme<strong>at</strong>ed social and<br />

emotional lives, so, too, did social and emotional concerns influence commercial decisions.”<br />

6

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