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The dissemination of divination in roman republican times

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Dionysius Hallicarnassus (60 BCE- 7 BCE)<br />

Dionysius <strong>of</strong> Hallicarnassus was a Greek historian liv<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> Rome at the end <strong>of</strong> the 1 st century<br />

BCE. He wrote a history <strong>of</strong> early Rome, <strong>of</strong> which only the first books are still extant. He built<br />

on the early Roman annalists and frequently gives us references to contemporary life. His<br />

work is a useful source for early historical data, but is not a good source for technical details.<br />

Titus Livius (59 BCE-17 CE)<br />

Another central source is Livy’s Ab urbe condita, which is a history <strong>of</strong> Rome from its<br />

foundation until his own time. Unfortunately, not all books are extant. For those books<br />

miss<strong>in</strong>g we have a good source for the prodigies <strong>in</strong> Julius Obsequens’ epitome (cf. Schmidt<br />

1968) and we also have some medieval summaries, periochae, which, unfortunately, are not<br />

very precise or <strong>in</strong>formative. It is generally accepted that Livy did not consult any primary<br />

sources, such as monuments, annals or books himself. Rather, he wrote his history on the<br />

basis <strong>of</strong> a small number <strong>of</strong> previous historians and annalists (Walsh 1961). <strong>The</strong>se previous<br />

historians, such as Valerius Antias and Claudius Quadrigarius, were well <strong>in</strong>formed for<br />

example about the contents <strong>of</strong> the Annales Maximi (Ogilvie 1965: 12-16; Szemler 1972: 17-<br />

19; Walsh 1961: 120-122). <strong>The</strong> Annales Maximi were the <strong>of</strong>ficial records <strong>of</strong> the Roman state.<br />

<strong>The</strong>y are probably the earliest written Roman history and were probably made public <strong>in</strong> the<br />

end <strong>of</strong> the 2 nd century BCE (Gross 1933). Through Livy and his <strong>in</strong>termediaries we therefore<br />

have access to relatively solid historical <strong>in</strong>formation from at least the 5 th century and<br />

onwards.<br />

<strong>The</strong>re is, however, one caveat: s<strong>in</strong>ce it is only the typically annalistic <strong>in</strong>formation, and<br />

maybe a few stories, we can trust from the very early <strong>times</strong>, we should not take everyth<strong>in</strong>g<br />

Livy writes for historical truth. When for example we encounter a speech <strong>of</strong> C<strong>in</strong>c<strong>in</strong>natus we<br />

should not th<strong>in</strong>k that this is <strong>in</strong> any way based on historical fact. This caveat applies to all<br />

speeches <strong>in</strong> Livy, which tend to say more about his own <strong>times</strong> than the history they portray.<br />

In dist<strong>in</strong>ction to reported speeches, the <strong>in</strong>formation that someone had been consul and<br />

abdicated because <strong>of</strong> a ritual fault <strong>in</strong> the auspices can probably be trusted, s<strong>in</strong>ce it is this type<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>formation that would have been recorded <strong>in</strong> the <strong>of</strong>ficial annals. When we come down to<br />

where the extant books <strong>of</strong> Livy start aga<strong>in</strong>, <strong>in</strong> the 3 rd century, the historical narratives are<br />

fuller and more trustworthy s<strong>in</strong>ce here Livy had access to historians who were contemporary<br />

or close <strong>in</strong> time to the events related (Cornell 1995: 6).<br />

140

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