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The dissemination of divination in roman republican times

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man is ill and has the classical symptoms <strong>of</strong> be<strong>in</strong>g a victim <strong>of</strong> sorcery. Several <strong>times</strong> his<br />

family tries to f<strong>in</strong>d out who was caus<strong>in</strong>g the sorcery, but without luck. When he f<strong>in</strong>ally gets<br />

better they stop consult<strong>in</strong>g the poison oracle. What is noticeable is that no answer about who<br />

did it was ever found (Evans-Pritchard 1937: 303-305; 397-399). This seems to be a general<br />

situation among the Azande and probably by all people. <strong>The</strong>y only use <strong>div<strong>in</strong>ation</strong> when they<br />

see a possibility and necessity for chang<strong>in</strong>g their situation (Evans-Pritchard 1937: 85).<br />

Sign production 32<br />

As we saw <strong>in</strong> the beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g <strong>div<strong>in</strong>ation</strong> is understood as the acquisition <strong>of</strong> credible knowledge<br />

about matters not otherwise available to human perception or reason<strong>in</strong>g. In the typical case<br />

this process will be <strong>in</strong>itiated by a questioner with a question motivated by actual or potential<br />

misfortune or lack <strong>of</strong> fortune. He consults an operator who performs a <strong>div<strong>in</strong>ation</strong> technique.<br />

This produces a sign, which is <strong>in</strong>terpreted to give credible <strong>in</strong>formation about the matter <strong>of</strong> the<br />

questioner’s question. <strong>The</strong> operator is <strong>in</strong> general seen as competent enough to perform the<br />

technique, but not himself <strong>in</strong> possession <strong>of</strong> the wanted <strong>in</strong>formation. <strong>The</strong> technique implies<br />

ritualized action 33 and produces a sign, for example a configuration <strong>of</strong> stones on the ground<br />

(Jackson 1978), a bird’s flight <strong>in</strong> the air (L<strong>in</strong>derski 1986), or a spider’s manipulation <strong>of</strong> cards<br />

at its mound (Zeitlyn 1990). This sign is subsequently <strong>in</strong>terpreted.<br />

Accord<strong>in</strong>g to most views <strong>in</strong> anthropology the ritual character <strong>of</strong> <strong>div<strong>in</strong>ation</strong> is accidental and<br />

has no consequence for the credibility <strong>of</strong> the <strong>in</strong>formation produced. 34 In contrast to this, I<br />

hypothesize that the ritual character <strong>of</strong> the action is exactly what expla<strong>in</strong>s the ability <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>div<strong>in</strong>ation</strong> to produce <strong>in</strong>formation not available to normal human perception.<br />

Let us consider the differences between normal <strong>in</strong>tentional action and ritualized action.<br />

Normal <strong>in</strong>tentional action is usually considered guided by beliefs and desires (Dennett 2001:<br />

412; Malle & Knobe 1997). By accomplish<strong>in</strong>g a goal you believe that this will fulfill your<br />

desire (see fig.4.2.)<br />

32 This section is based on (Lisdorf 2007b)<br />

33 <strong>The</strong> term ritualized action is understood <strong>in</strong> a technical sense which will be specified shortly (Cf. Boyer &<br />

Liénard 2006: 595f). Some <strong>div<strong>in</strong>ation</strong> techniques like us<strong>in</strong>g the Ouija board or tarot cards may not seem like<br />

ritual, but are <strong>in</strong> this technical sense.<br />

34 Performance theories may differ on this po<strong>in</strong>t. Here, however, there are no clear criteria by which we can<br />

dist<strong>in</strong>guish a performative action from a non-performative action (Brown 2003). Also Pascal Boyer’s<br />

treatment differs from this view (Boyer 1990).<br />

64

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