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The dissemination of divination in roman republican times

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causes. This is also the case concern<strong>in</strong>g <strong>div<strong>in</strong>ation</strong>: “<strong>The</strong>ir collective representations oblige<br />

them, as it were, by some form <strong>of</strong> preconception or pre-connection to refer the death to a<br />

mystical cause (..). <strong>The</strong> only th<strong>in</strong>g that matters is the true cause and among certa<strong>in</strong> peoples, at<br />

any rate, this is always mystic <strong>in</strong> its nature” (Lévy-Bruhl 1985: 281). Accord<strong>in</strong>g to Lévy-<br />

Bruhl the method <strong>of</strong> choice to f<strong>in</strong>d this true cause among the primitives was <strong>div<strong>in</strong>ation</strong>,<br />

because it was likewise characterized by mystical ideas.<br />

Central to Lévy-Bruhl‘s treatment is the dist<strong>in</strong>ction between natural and mystical causes.<br />

This dist<strong>in</strong>ction, which I will call the dual-causation theory, is a fundamental one as we will<br />

see later. Another important feature is that Lévy-Bruhl ties primitive mentality to collective<br />

representations. This accounts for its persistence. <strong>The</strong> difference between primitives and<br />

moderns is thus not one <strong>of</strong> adequate perception <strong>of</strong> the world, as <strong>in</strong> the English empiricist<br />

perspective, but one <strong>of</strong> th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g about the world. This <strong>in</strong> turn is conditioned culturally by<br />

collective ideas.<br />

Durkheim & Mauss as well as Lévy-Bruhl have their focus on how primitives th<strong>in</strong>k and<br />

how this is culturally constituted either <strong>in</strong> collective representations or <strong>in</strong> systems <strong>of</strong><br />

classification. In both cases <strong>div<strong>in</strong>ation</strong> plays an <strong>in</strong>tegral role. Whereas the English tradition<br />

concerned itself with issues <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>ductive truth the French is concerned with mentality, thus<br />

exhibit<strong>in</strong>g the differences between empiricist and rationalist philosophy. In general it is<br />

<strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>g to notice that there seems to be no pr<strong>in</strong>cipled dist<strong>in</strong>ction, at this stage, between<br />

magic and <strong>div<strong>in</strong>ation</strong>. Both rely on the same thought processes.<br />

After the decl<strong>in</strong>e <strong>of</strong> evolutionist theoriz<strong>in</strong>g after World War One research <strong>in</strong>to <strong>div<strong>in</strong>ation</strong><br />

also decl<strong>in</strong>ed somewhat with some notable exceptions. Instead <strong>of</strong> the evolutionist armchair<br />

theoriz<strong>in</strong>g, the extended periods <strong>of</strong> field work <strong>of</strong> functionalist anthropologists, such as<br />

Bronislaw Mal<strong>in</strong>owski and Alfred Radcliffe Brown, became the ideal. Both were teachers <strong>of</strong><br />

a scholar, who would arguably become the most central <strong>in</strong> <strong>div<strong>in</strong>ation</strong> research: Edward Evans<br />

Evans-Pritchard.<br />

Edward Evans Evans-Pritchard<br />

Edward Evans Evans-Pritchard’s (1902-1973) classical monograph Witchcraft, Oracles, and<br />

Magic among the Azande from 1937 is a landmark <strong>in</strong> <strong>div<strong>in</strong>ation</strong> research. It was based on<br />

fieldwork conducted between 1926 and 1930 among the Azande liv<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> Southern Sudan<br />

(Evans-Pritchard 1937: vii). No one had dedicated that amount <strong>of</strong> fieldwork and scholarly<br />

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