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The dissemination of divination in roman republican times

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<strong>The</strong> first po<strong>in</strong>t is the causal nexus <strong>of</strong> the argument expla<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g the existence <strong>of</strong> any given<br />

evolved cognitive function. Usually evolutionary psychology is manipulat<strong>in</strong>g B <strong>in</strong><br />

psychological experiments to <strong>in</strong>fer properties <strong>of</strong> F. Thus a difference <strong>in</strong> cognitive function is<br />

<strong>in</strong>ferred from differences <strong>in</strong> behavior. Tooby & Cosmides for example found that subjects<br />

performed differently <strong>in</strong> the “Wason selection task”, when the problem was framed as a<br />

social problem <strong>in</strong>stead <strong>of</strong> a logical problem (Cosmides & Tooby 2005: 597).<br />

<strong>The</strong> second po<strong>in</strong>t naturally only goes for neural structures caus<strong>in</strong>g behaviors specific to<br />

humans. Behaviors related to religion are by most accounts such. Behaviors we share with<br />

animals would not <strong>in</strong>clude this clause.<br />

<strong>The</strong> third po<strong>in</strong>t is trickier. It amounts to dist<strong>in</strong>guish<strong>in</strong>g homology from analogy. It is<br />

possible that two apparently identical behaviors have different neural substructures, <strong>in</strong> which<br />

case they are analogous. This is the case for example <strong>of</strong> ritualized behavior, which is similar<br />

to obsessive ompulaory disorder and normal rout<strong>in</strong>e behavior. While rout<strong>in</strong>e behavior is<br />

analogous to ritualized behavior, obsessive ompulaory disorder seems to be homologous<br />

(Boyer & Lienard 2006: 606). When they are analogical features, they need two different<br />

explanations. <strong>The</strong> evoulutionary psychology account has to make sure that the behaviors are<br />

homological or must assume that they are. An example is do<strong>in</strong>g the “Wason selection task” <strong>in</strong><br />

terms <strong>of</strong> a social problem, must be homological, or assumed to be homological, with actual<br />

social problem solv<strong>in</strong>g tasks <strong>in</strong> real life.<br />

While a number <strong>of</strong> scholars have used some sort <strong>of</strong> hyperactive agency detection I will<br />

focus on only two examples namely Scott Atran & Ara Norenzayan and Just<strong>in</strong> L. Barrett. Let<br />

me just shortly mention those left out: <strong>The</strong> anthropologist Stewart Guthrie’s account is the<br />

first, but he does not th<strong>in</strong>k <strong>of</strong> agency detection as primarily a cognitive function, but rather as<br />

a perceptual function (Guthrie 1980; Guthrie 2004; Guthrie 1993; Guthrie 2001). Pascal<br />

Boyer does not expla<strong>in</strong> the function with recourse to agency detection per se, but <strong>in</strong>stead with<br />

reference to a tendency <strong>of</strong> the cognitive system to search for relevance and agentive concepts<br />

s<strong>in</strong>ce they can produce more <strong>in</strong>ferences than non-agentive. <strong>The</strong> explanation is thus made with<br />

recourse to a cost/benefit algorithm work<strong>in</strong>g as a system property <strong>of</strong> the m<strong>in</strong>d, rather than to<br />

hyperactivity (Boyer 2001; Boyer 1996). <strong>The</strong> explanation is clearly compatible with the<br />

HADD, but does not depend on it. 55<br />

55 I do believe that these arguments suffer from other set backs, but space does not allow me to<br />

treat them thoroughly.<br />

82

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