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Sobibor - Holocaust Propaganda And Reality - Unity of Nobility ...

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222 J. GRAF, T. KUES, C. MATTOGNO, SOBIBÓR<br />

“The taxes on emigration certainly went up continually, but at<br />

the same time the RSHA tried to s<strong>of</strong>ten the foreign exchange controls.<br />

In spite <strong>of</strong> all <strong>of</strong>ficial regulations, it eventually obtained the<br />

employment <strong>of</strong> Jews in the agricultural sector ‘in order to ease their<br />

emigration by providing them with a pr<strong>of</strong>essional education.’ The<br />

RSHA also managed to lower or to do away with all sorts <strong>of</strong> special<br />

taxes and limits on the export <strong>of</strong> capital. In December <strong>of</strong> 1940 they<br />

succeeded in convincing the Ministry <strong>of</strong> the Economy to accelerate<br />

the financial procedures in all cases <strong>of</strong> emigration against all regulations<br />

in force. This search for a global solution <strong>of</strong> the ‘Jewish<br />

question’ can still be found in the attempt by the RSHA to obtain a<br />

general directive for emigration from Göring. Later on this document<br />

[645] would <strong>of</strong>ten be misinterpreted because <strong>of</strong> its wording.<br />

Göring ordered all Reich authorities to facilitate the emigration <strong>of</strong><br />

Jews away from the Reich and the territories under protection to the<br />

extent possible, even in wartime. On the other hand, the emigration<br />

<strong>of</strong> Jews from France and Belgium was to be prohibited on account<br />

<strong>of</strong> the ‘final solution, which was doubtlessly drawing near.’ This seductive<br />

term ‘final solution’ was interpreted by generations <strong>of</strong> historians<br />

as to mean the physical destruction, whereas, at that time, it<br />

meant only the emigration <strong>of</strong> the Jews to Madagascar. The trap<br />

closed only in August <strong>of</strong> 1941. The RSHA prohibited the emigration<br />

<strong>of</strong> able-bodied Jews. [646] At the end <strong>of</strong> August 1941 Eichmann extended<br />

this regulation to all Jews who lived in areas occupied by<br />

Germany. On 23 October 1941 the RSHA informed all units <strong>of</strong> the<br />

police and the SD <strong>of</strong> an order issued by Himmler which stopped any<br />

Jewish emigration whatsoever, without exception, for the duration <strong>of</strong><br />

the war.” (Emph. added)<br />

Christopher R. Browning took up the specific topic <strong>of</strong> the decision<br />

concerning the alleged genocide. He underlined above all the “major<br />

divergences” which divided the two <strong>Holocaust</strong> interpretations at the<br />

time: 647 “The decision concerning the final solution has been the subject<br />

<strong>of</strong> a large number <strong>of</strong> historical interpretations. The essential diver-<br />

645<br />

646<br />

647<br />

W. Schellenberg’s letter dated 20 May 1941. Document NG-3104.<br />

Eichmann’s order concerened actually the Jews “fit for military service” (wehrfähig) and<br />

was obviously meant to keep the enemy from obtaining potential soldiers. Joseph Walk<br />

(ed.), Das Sonderrecht für die Juden im NS-Staat, C.F. Müller Juristischer Verlag, Heidelberg-Karlsruhe<br />

1981, n. 227, p. 347.<br />

Ibid., p. 190.

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