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Sobibor - Holocaust Propaganda And Reality - Unity of Nobility ...

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J. GRAF, T. KUES, C. MATTOGNO, SOBIBÓR 223<br />

gences appear in respect <strong>of</strong> two connected questions: on the one<br />

hand the nature <strong>of</strong> the process by which the decision was taken and<br />

more particularly the role <strong>of</strong> Hitler and his ideology, on the other<br />

hand the moment at which this decision was taken. As Martin Broszat<br />

has rightly stated, a diversity <strong>of</strong> interpretation advises us that<br />

any kind <strong>of</strong> theory on the origin <strong>of</strong> the ‘final solution’ belongs to the<br />

field <strong>of</strong> probability rather than to that <strong>of</strong> certainty.” (Emph. added)<br />

Browning then sketched out a summary <strong>of</strong> these “major divergences”:<br />

648<br />

“For Lucy Dawidowicz the conception <strong>of</strong> the final solution antedates<br />

its implementation by twenty years; for Martin Broszat the<br />

idea emerges from practice: the sporadic assassination <strong>of</strong> groups <strong>of</strong><br />

Jews gave rise to the idea to assassinate all <strong>of</strong> the Jews systematically.<br />

Between these two extremes we have a great number <strong>of</strong> interpretations.<br />

Thus, Eberhard Jäckel believes that the idea to kill the Jews<br />

sprang up in Hitler’s mind at the end <strong>of</strong> the 1930s. Karl Dietrich<br />

Bracher supposes that it already existed at that time. <strong>And</strong>reas<br />

Hillgruber and Klaus Hildebrand maintain the supremacy <strong>of</strong> ideological<br />

factors but do not propose any precise date. Others, not all<br />

<strong>of</strong> them functionalists, place the decisive turn into the year <strong>of</strong> 1941;<br />

but as far as that year is concerned many dates have been suggested.<br />

Léon Poliakov believes that the most probable date is the beginning<br />

<strong>of</strong> 1941, whereas Robert Kempner and Helmut Krausnick sustain<br />

that Hitler took this decision in the spring in connection with the<br />

preparations <strong>of</strong> the invasion <strong>of</strong> Russia. Raul Hilberg thinks that the<br />

decision was taken in the summer when the massacres perpetrated in<br />

Russia led to the belief that this solution would also be possible in<br />

all <strong>of</strong> Europe for a victorious Germany. Uwe Dietrich Adam asserts<br />

that it was taken in autumn when the military <strong>of</strong>fensive slowed down<br />

and it became apparent that a ‘territorial solution’ by way <strong>of</strong> a mass<br />

expulsion into Russia thus became impossible. Sebastian Haffner, finally,<br />

who is certainly not a functionalist, supports an even later<br />

thesis, early December, when the feeling <strong>of</strong> an eventual military defeat<br />

caused Hitler to seek an irrevocable victory over the Jews.”<br />

Here Browning wonders:<br />

“How are we to explain such a diversity <strong>of</strong> interpretations as to<br />

the type and the date <strong>of</strong> the decision concerning the final solution?”<br />

648<br />

Ibid., p. 192.

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