The Latin Neuter Plurals in Romance - Page ON

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110 3rd-declension neuters: Lomb. Lat., SIt. capora, SIt. capure, Rum. capuri (beside It. capita, Rum. capete), where the declension of late Latin CAPUS ‘head’ is uncertain but could possibly represent this type, OIt. nomora, where ORum. has numere < NOMINA ‘names’ (Densunianu, Histoire de la Langue Roumaine, Vol. 2, §53), perhaps by dissimilation, and OIt. lumora, where Campidanian preserves LUMINA ‘lights’ as a singular in the phrase a una lumina ‘one-eyed’. (Similarly EXAMINA ‘swarms’ is preserved as a singular in Calab. sámina, Surs. schaumna.) Other -uri forms in Rumanian are arămuri ‘copperware’ for AERAMINA (also alămuri ‘brassware’), legumuri ‘vegetables’ for LEGUMINA, and Ńărmuri ‘banks’, ‘borders’ for TERMINA ‘boundaries’, with the derivative Ńărmurean ‘borderer’ and a new sing. Ńărmure alongside Ńărm. As we have already seen in §4c, stems in -IN-, like TERMIN-, also tended to develop forms in -IT-, thus from *TERMIT- have come the mascs. Neap. tirmete, Friul. tiarmit, Fr. tertre, and we may perhaps see a late neuter form in -IT-, *GURGITA ‘whirlpools’, leading to a *GURGURA, which seems to have underlain the Lombard Latin gurguras, if this corresponds to standard It. gorgo, pl. gorghi. d) At this point let us just take a brief look also at the outcome of -ORA, or forms containing -OR-, elsewhere. TEMPORA, with an added pluralizing -S, has been preserved in church use for ‘ember days’ in Rhaeto-Romance (Surs. quatertempras, but Eng. has quatember from German), Provençal, Catalan, Spanish, Portuguese and Sardinian; in Old French the extended stem appears only in the adv. tempre(s) ‘early’ from TEMPORE. The stem CORPOR- has left no popular reflexes, though the classical stem has been used for creating popular forms such as Fr. corporu, Prov. courpourut. PECTORA/PECTORE are seen in the Prov. masc. pitro/pitre, fem. pitro ‘breast’ (Mist., Vää.), and probably also in Sard. pettórra, pettúrra ‘breast’; the stem also occurs in derivatives such as Fr. poitrine, Prov. peitrina, Cat. pitral, Sp. petral > pretal, Ptg. peitoral, apêrto, 110
111 111 Sard. pettorale. PIGNORA is found more widely as a singular: Prov. penhora/pignora, OCat. pennora/pignora, now penyora (accented on the o as if a back-formation from penyorar, but it may originally have been the classical PIGNORA used as a legal term), OSp. peñora > peindra, now prenda, also borrowed into Portuguese, which has the native penhor(a) as a back-formation from the verb penhorar (but note OGal. pennora); Sard. pindzóra (Nuor.), piñóra (Log., Camp.) have the stem affected by It. pegno, as compared with OSard. pinnus, and may also reflect Cat. penyora (Wagner suggests also that -ora may have been changed to -óra because of the rarity of the proparoxytones in -ora and the frequency of forms in -óra; the only -ora forms he quotes are rivora, fruttora and pumora, the last two surviving as singular collectives, and rivora only being found in names, but to these we may add ingressuras quoted by Aebischer as an example of Lombard Latin from this area). The stem of LATERA is seen in Sp. (l)adral, Ptg. dial. ladral ‘sideboard of a truck’. PECORA is seen in the Friul. sing. piore ‘sheep’, to which compare also the Misocco pieira quoted by Meyer-Lübke and the pl. pire in the Vegliot piece transcribed by Bartoli, as well as Gal. prega ‘head of cattle’ (Wart.); Meyer-Lübke also quotes (Schicks.) Log. pecora, Sass. pegura, where Wagner gives Gall. pécura, Sass. péggura ‘sheep’ but cites Log., Camp. pècora ‘a bad lot’ as an Italianism. Elsewhere the form appears as a loan from Italian: Fr. pécore, Prov. pecoro, Sp., Ptg. pécora, as against native forms, Prov. pec, pego/peco ‘fool(ish)’, Cat. pec, pega ‘foolish’, Ptg. pego (this is given by Hall but I have not been able to confirm it), formations which are similar to the Sard. pl. pegos, re-formed on the sing. pegus; inherited derivatives are Rh. (Friul.?) piorar, Ast. pregueiro, Ptg. pegureiro. STERCORA is represented by estércora in Old Portuguese (DCELC), and cf. estercoreiro ‘dung-beetle’; the extended stem is also found in OPtg. estércure and in Sp. estiércol, which follows the pattern of dissimilation seen in mármol, and estercolero (cf. also Lomb. stercol), as against OAst. estierco, Leon, istiercu and modern Ptg. esterco (cf. It. sterco). The stem of
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1 1 The Latin Neuter Plurals in Rom
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individually. 3 3 Such treatments a
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5 5 stages of the language. (Incide
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7 7 preserved in Italian, such as t
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9 9 ‘well’, CAPILLUM ‘hair’
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etween the 2nd and 4th declensions)
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13 13 changing their declension in
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15 15 Another popular development w
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une formation hybride à cheval sur
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19 19 with acc. pl. LUSTROS, in ins
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21 21 OSSUUM/OSSUORUM/OSSORUM/OSSAR
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23 23 inscription (Bourciez, §218c
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25 25 PRAESTIGIUM, INFAMIUM, BLASPH
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27 27 Ling. Lat., but Nyrop quotes
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29 29 singular in early times), SPI
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31 31 substantia consumitur” (Ita
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33 33 plural (evidence of the early
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35 35 in Chir.) as ‘leaves’? Th
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37 37 loanwords and verbal nouns; i
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39 39 singulars are felt to be the
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41 41 language, producing a situati
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43 43 c) Passing now to French, we
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45 45 separated from braç, as are
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47 47 a modern formation). Old Ital
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49 49 ‘powder horns’, ‘corner
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51 51 also represent Latin -NIA (cf
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53 53 ‘heels’ gives the Rumania
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55 55 böila, Eng. böglia, Surs. b
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57 57 de Dial. Esp., p. 346). But b
Page 59 and 60: 59 59 j) Traces of other old neuter
Page 61 and 62: 61 61 uova, with dial. ove or ovi f
Page 63 and 64: 63 63 ‘kneading-trough’, in the
Page 65 and 66: 65 65 8. Numerals and pronominal ad
Page 67 and 68: 67 67 mil and modern mille (masc.).
Page 69 and 70: 69 69 OFr. nu(l)s, nule, Prov. nuls
Page 71 and 72: 71 71 find the meaning ‘leaf’,
Page 73 and 74: 73 73 in the areas which use -i for
Page 75 and 76: 75 75 c) Let us now look at the sit
Page 77 and 78: 77 77 turn to the dialects to find
Page 79 and 80: 79 79 matching these also ulivo/uli
Page 81 and 82: 81 81 corme), corne (OFr. cornelle)
Page 83 and 84: 83 83 beside cuerno/corgno, prunell
Page 85 and 86: 85 85 cerezal ‘cherry orchard’,
Page 87 and 88: 87 87 ‘holm-oak’ tree, but Arag
Page 89 and 90: 89 89 péšego), with another varie
Page 91 and 92: 91 91 the Piedmontese form la figa
Page 93 and 94: 93 93 assisted by the feminine noun
Page 95 and 96: 95 95 (oak), roveto (bramble), vign
Page 97 and 98: 97 97 r) The position in Catalan is
Page 99 and 100: 99 99 native to the area all right,
Page 101 and 102: 101 101 but the fortuitous similari
Page 103 and 104: 103 103 trufa from French, Ptg. tub
Page 105 and 106: 105 105 Italian plurals in -ora and
Page 107 and 108: 107 107 account for Prov. nos (besi
Page 109: 109 109 Italian as the Latinism fri
Page 113 and 114: 113 113 FUNDUS, ARCUS, COLFUS, NODU
Page 115 and 116: 115 115 from a late Greek form kól
Page 117 and 118: 117 117 like cambiora, digiunora, f
Page 119 and 120: 119 119 down by purely popular tran
Page 121 and 122: 121 121 examples I have given above
Page 123 and 124: 123 123 note that -egl- > -agl- is
Page 125 and 126: 125 125 dictionary ascribes the Ita
Page 127 and 128: 127 127 with the same meaning. This
Page 129 and 130: 129 129 ‘brotherhood’, and the
Page 131 and 132: 131 131 Vegl. fyasta (the Rum. fest
Page 133 and 134: 133 133 ‘salary’, and in these
Page 135 and 136: 135 135 legenda, Fr. (learned) lég
Page 137 and 138: 137 137 the widespread forms corres
Page 139 and 140: 139 139 morceau, Engl. bit), It. bo
Page 141 and 142: 141 141 languages the first consona
Page 143 and 144: 143 143 spread to the Iberian Penin
Page 145 and 146: 145 145 Rhaeto-Romance. From VINCUL
Page 147 and 148: 147 147 VISCUM ‘mistletoe’. Fro
Page 149 and 150: 149 149 are also forms without clas
Page 151 and 152: 151 151 also lists Rum. par as “n
Page 153 and 154: 153 153 of ACUS ‘needles’, wher
Page 155 and 156: 155 155 become a singular meaning
Page 157 and 158: 157 157 From LINTEA ‘linen cloths
Page 159 and 160: 159 159 esquírola ‘ditto’. Fro
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161 161 Rum. răza is ‘scrape’,
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163 163 combination of meanings; in
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165 165 has at the same time become
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167 167 üj ‘grape’. Similarly
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169 169 feminines; examples are It.
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171 171 feminine noun which has nei
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173 173 Cat. bolla ‘seal on cloth
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175 175 Lat. VENA. Spanish seems to
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177 177 Heidelberg, 1920; Romanisch
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