The Latin Neuter Plurals in Romance - Page ON

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172 between the two forms has varied from language to language. From the Greek kístē, Latinized as cista ‘chest’, we have It., Sp., Ptg. cesta and cesto for kinds of ‘basket’, the latter being generally smaller in the case of Italian, but not so in Spanish and Portuguese. *MATTEA ‘club’ has given first the words for ‘club’, ‘mace’, ‘stamper’, It. mazza, Friul. mazze, Fr. mace, Prov. massa, Cat. maça/massa, Sp. maza, Ptg. maça, and then mascs. It. mazzo ‘rammer’, ‘bundle’, ‘bunch (of flower, keys etc.)’, Fr. (Lower Maine) mas, Prov. mas ‘bunch of flowers’, Cat. maç/mas ‘bundle’, ‘bunch’, earlier ‘mallet’, Sp. mazo ‘mallet’, ‘bundle’, ‘bunch of keys’, Ptg. maço ‘rammer’, ‘mallet’, ‘bundle’. CLAVICULA ‘peg’, which often developed as *CAVICULA, has given the expected forms in all areas except Rumania, and besides these OFr. chevil/Norm. kevil ‘peg’, ‘ankle’, It. cavicchio ‘tuning-peg’ (but caviglio, formed from caviglia < Prov. cavilha, means a ‘large peg’), Sp. cabillo ‘flower stalk’ from cabilla, again taken from Provençal, Ptg. chavelho ‘horn of an ox’ beside chavelha ‘peg’, and cravelho ‘wooden peg’ beside cravelha ‘tuning-peg’ (Spanish has the one form clavija for both meanings; Ptg. cavilha from Provençal has no masculine counterpart). Italian, Spanish and Portuguese all have barco beside barca from a late Latin BARCA ‘bark’, both denoting kinds of boats. The forms corresponding to FOSSU all seem to have developed later from FOSSA ‘ditch’, later ‘grave’: It. fosso ‘ditch’, fossa ‘grave’, and similarly Surs., Eng. foss, fossa, Occ. Fos, fosso, OCat. fos, Cat. fossa, Sp. foso, fosa (from Italian?; cf. huesa in §6e above), Ptg. fosso, fossa, Sard. fossu, fossa. In the same way Italian, Spanish and Portuguese all have toldo, tolda for an ‘awning’, evidently from Fr. taud, taude, though the latter is not attested until the 19th century. BULLA ‘bubble’, ‘round object’ has left a number of forms which are not easy to disentangle. We have the direct forms It. bolla ‘bubble’, ‘blister’, ‘seal’, Surs., Eng. buola ‘swelling’, ‘blister’, ‘bubble’ (for this last the Surs. form is bulla), Fr. boule ‘ball’, ‘bowl (for bowling)’, Occ. boulo ‘ditto’, 172
173 173 Cat. bolla ‘seal on cloth’ (taken into Occ. as boulho), Sp. bolla ‘seal on Catalan cloth’ (replaced by ampolla in the sense of ‘bubble’, ‘blister’), Ast. bolla ‘small cake’, OPtg. bolla ‘seal’, bôla ‘small cake’, Ptg. bolha ‘bubble’, ‘blister’ (from Spanish?), Log. budda ‘entrails’; Catalan, Spanish and Portuguese also have bola from Provençal in the sense of ‘ball’, ‘bowl’, ‘soap-bubble’. Among the masculine forms are It. bollo ‘seal’, Surs. bul, Eng. buol ‘ditto’, OFr. boul ‘heap’, Occ. boul ‘seal’, Cat. boll ‘husk’, Sp. bollo ‘small cake’, ‘swelling’, Ptg. bôlo ‘small cake', Log., Camp. bullu ‘seal’. Another group of words that is difficult to disentangle is the reflexes of the Germanic flaska ‘bottle’, which appears in late Latin as FLASCO-NIS; the basic forms seem to be feminine, but there are also masculines formed with the -U or -ONE ending. Here we have It. fiasca and fiasco/-cone (bigger than fiasca!), Friul. flascje, Surs. flescha, flesch (with an e that appears in Dutch vles(ch)), UEng. flas-cha, flas-ch, flascun, LEng. flescha/flascha, flasch, OFr. flasche, MFr. flasque (masc.), modern flacon, Prov. flasca, flascon and flasco, now flascou, perhaps formed from flasco(n) by a change of accent, similarly Cat. flasco or flascó with OCat. flasca as a collective for ‘kitchen utensils’, OArag. flascón, Sp. flasco (old)/frasco with frasca (hapax) as Catalan, Ptg. frasco, frasca as Spanish, Sard. flascu (old), frasku, fiasku. g) Other masculine formations are of limited extension. From late Latin CAPANNA ‘hut’ (cf. “cavanna” in the Gl. Reich., glossing TUGURIUM) we have It. capanno ‘bird-shooting hide’ beside capanna ‘hut’, with Lomb. (Verzasca) caman, Surs. camon ‘Alpine sheep-cote’ beside camona ‘hut’ (Engadinian only has chama(u)na), Occ. caban ‘wretched hut’ beside cabano ‘hut’ (from which Fr. cabane), but elsewhere only -A forms, Cat. caban(y)a, UArag. capana, Sp. cabana, Ptg. cabana (the DES says Sard. kabannu, kabanna are borrowed forms). From STELLA ‘star’ we have the occasional Cors. stellu for stella, and
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1 1 The Latin Neuter Plurals in Rom
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individually. 3 3 Such treatments a
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5 5 stages of the language. (Incide
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7 7 preserved in Italian, such as t
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9 9 ‘well’, CAPILLUM ‘hair’
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etween the 2nd and 4th declensions)
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13 13 changing their declension in
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15 15 Another popular development w
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une formation hybride à cheval sur
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19 19 with acc. pl. LUSTROS, in ins
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21 21 OSSUUM/OSSUORUM/OSSORUM/OSSAR
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23 23 inscription (Bourciez, §218c
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25 25 PRAESTIGIUM, INFAMIUM, BLASPH
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27 27 Ling. Lat., but Nyrop quotes
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29 29 singular in early times), SPI
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31 31 substantia consumitur” (Ita
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33 33 plural (evidence of the early
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35 35 in Chir.) as ‘leaves’? Th
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37 37 loanwords and verbal nouns; i
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39 39 singulars are felt to be the
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41 41 language, producing a situati
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43 43 c) Passing now to French, we
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45 45 separated from braç, as are
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47 47 a modern formation). Old Ital
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49 49 ‘powder horns’, ‘corner
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51 51 also represent Latin -NIA (cf
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53 53 ‘heels’ gives the Rumania
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55 55 böila, Eng. böglia, Surs. b
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57 57 de Dial. Esp., p. 346). But b
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59 59 j) Traces of other old neuter
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61 61 uova, with dial. ove or ovi f
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63 63 ‘kneading-trough’, in the
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65 65 8. Numerals and pronominal ad
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67 67 mil and modern mille (masc.).
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69 69 OFr. nu(l)s, nule, Prov. nuls
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71 71 find the meaning ‘leaf’,
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73 73 in the areas which use -i for
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75 75 c) Let us now look at the sit
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77 77 turn to the dialects to find
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79 79 matching these also ulivo/uli
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81 81 corme), corne (OFr. cornelle)
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83 83 beside cuerno/corgno, prunell
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85 85 cerezal ‘cherry orchard’,
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87 87 ‘holm-oak’ tree, but Arag
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89 89 péšego), with another varie
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91 91 the Piedmontese form la figa
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93 93 assisted by the feminine noun
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95 95 (oak), roveto (bramble), vign
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97 97 r) The position in Catalan is
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99 99 native to the area all right,
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101 101 but the fortuitous similari
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103 103 trufa from French, Ptg. tub
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105 105 Italian plurals in -ora and
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107 107 account for Prov. nos (besi
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109 109 Italian as the Latinism fri
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111 111 Sard. pettorale. PIGNORA is
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113 113 FUNDUS, ARCUS, COLFUS, NODU
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115 115 from a late Greek form kól
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117 117 like cambiora, digiunora, f
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119 119 down by purely popular tran
Page 121 and 122: 121 121 examples I have given above
Page 123 and 124: 123 123 note that -egl- > -agl- is
Page 125 and 126: 125 125 dictionary ascribes the Ita
Page 127 and 128: 127 127 with the same meaning. This
Page 129 and 130: 129 129 ‘brotherhood’, and the
Page 131 and 132: 131 131 Vegl. fyasta (the Rum. fest
Page 133 and 134: 133 133 ‘salary’, and in these
Page 135 and 136: 135 135 legenda, Fr. (learned) lég
Page 137 and 138: 137 137 the widespread forms corres
Page 139 and 140: 139 139 morceau, Engl. bit), It. bo
Page 141 and 142: 141 141 languages the first consona
Page 143 and 144: 143 143 spread to the Iberian Penin
Page 145 and 146: 145 145 Rhaeto-Romance. From VINCUL
Page 147 and 148: 147 147 VISCUM ‘mistletoe’. Fro
Page 149 and 150: 149 149 are also forms without clas
Page 151 and 152: 151 151 also lists Rum. par as “n
Page 153 and 154: 153 153 of ACUS ‘needles’, wher
Page 155 and 156: 155 155 become a singular meaning
Page 157 and 158: 157 157 From LINTEA ‘linen cloths
Page 159 and 160: 159 159 esquírola ‘ditto’. Fro
Page 161 and 162: 161 161 Rum. răza is ‘scrape’,
Page 163 and 164: 163 163 combination of meanings; in
Page 165 and 166: 165 165 has at the same time become
Page 167 and 168: 167 167 üj ‘grape’. Similarly
Page 169 and 170: 169 169 feminines; examples are It.
Page 171: 171 171 feminine noun which has nei
Page 175 and 176: 175 175 Lat. VENA. Spanish seems to
Page 177 and 178: 177 177 Heidelberg, 1920; Romanisch
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