The Latin Neuter Plurals in Romance - Page ON

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120 fondamiento from the singular). Less widely represented are *CORNUAMENTA ‘horns’, Sp., Ptg. cornamenta, Sard. corramenta; ARMENTA (Glos. Cass. ARMENTAS) ‘herds’, Rum. armînturi (hapax leg.), Bellun. armenta, Friul. armente ‘cow’, Central Rh. armainta with a new sing. armaint (also in Eng.), Ptg. armenta (REW); PIGMENTA ‘colouring matter’, Prov., Ptg. pimenta, Sp. pimienta ‘pepper’; *VITIAMENTA ‘instances of spoiling or corrupting’, Rum. pl. învăŃăminte ‘teachings’, OIt. (Rom.) veçamenta ‘tricks’; *VASCELLAMENTA ‘vessels’, OIt. vasellamenta, OFr. vaissellemente; SENTIMENTA ‘feelings’, Rum. (modern) simŃiminte, OIt. sentimenta. Other similar formations found in the various languages are Rum. pl. acoperăminte, apărăminte, căzăminte, crezăminte, jurăminte, legăminte, morminte together with old and dial. mormânturi, (a)stâmpărăminte, fem. sing. rugăminte; so also OIt. sagramenta/saramenta/seramenta/sagramente, comandamenta/comannamente, guarnimenta, elemente, momenta, pedamenta, piacimenta, tradimenta, sengnamente, with filamenta and fem. gimenta ‘female donkey’, ‘mare’ still in use (cf. also dial. sing. sarmenta/sarmanta from SARMENTA ‘twigs’ and armenta/romenta from RAMENTA ‘shavings’); Surs. paramenta, schelmamenta, scroccamenta, cauramenta, ladramenta, lumpamenta, Eng. schelmamainta, chavramainta, ledramainta (LEng. la-), lumpamainta, guargimainta, chindlamainta, narramainta (note the tendency in these dialects to create new words denoting groups of animals or people, as cauramenta, chavramainta ‘herd of goats’, ladramenta, ledramainta ‘band of thieves’); OFr. crassemente, lamente (and note fem. jument corresponding to It. giumenta); Prov. ornamenta, ramenta; Cat. bastimenta; OSp. sacamienta; Ptg. curtimenta; Sard. armamenta, foddžimenta, loramenta, isterrimenta, pagamenta, pannamenta, paskimenta (HWS, §54), all denoting groups of things. b) We can see from the fact that -MENTA has survived in Rumanian and Sardinian that this formation belonged to the popular stratum, though not all the 120
121 121 examples I have given above can be called popular. When we come to our next group, the formations in -ALIA and -ILIA, we find not only that we have a mixture of popular and literary words, or those which Menéndez Pidal calls “voces semicultas o exóticas”, but also that these words have everywhere become feminine singulars; they were all in origin the neuter plural forms of adjectives, some of which, like ANIMALIA, CUBILIA, were already used as nouns in classical times, though the greater number became nominalized at a later date and are often the ones that have come down to modern times in a literary or semi-popular form. At the same time we also sometimes find that words which seem to be eminently popular, because they are also preserved in Rumanian and Sardinian, may take a semi-literary form. A case in point is BATTUALIA ‘gladiatorial contests’, which has given the word for ‘battle’ in many languages: Rum. bătaie ‘beating’ (also bătălie ‘battle’, from Italian, with adaptation to the -ie ending, see 11g), It., Rh. battaglia, Fr. bataille. Prov. batalha, Cat., Sp. batalla (and batalia in Spanish Latin), Ptg. batalha, Sard. (Log.) battadza, (Camp.) battalla ‘uproar’ (and battaglia ‘battle’ from Italian). Here Spanish has -alla for the expected -aja, as found in certain other words, raising several possibilities. Firstly, BATTUALIA may not have been preserved as a popular word in this area, and batalla may have been introduced from Gallo-Romance (raising the question of whether Ptg. batalha is also a loan); alternatively an earlier *bataja may have been overlaid by the more “international” Gallo-Romance form (introduction into Castilian from other Spanish dialects would seem unlikely) or the ending -aja may have been replaced by the more common -alla of the semi-literary words, just as -ança, -ença, -azón etc. gave way to -ancia, -encia, -ación and so on. (Some manuals quote a form bataja as if this represents the true Castilian outcome, but they seem to be basing themselves on forms like the bataia of Alex. O 573b, 607c, which is an example of Leonese “yeismo”.)
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1 1 The Latin Neuter Plurals in Rom
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individually. 3 3 Such treatments a
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5 5 stages of the language. (Incide
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7 7 preserved in Italian, such as t
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9 9 ‘well’, CAPILLUM ‘hair’
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etween the 2nd and 4th declensions)
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13 13 changing their declension in
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15 15 Another popular development w
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une formation hybride à cheval sur
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19 19 with acc. pl. LUSTROS, in ins
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21 21 OSSUUM/OSSUORUM/OSSORUM/OSSAR
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23 23 inscription (Bourciez, §218c
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25 25 PRAESTIGIUM, INFAMIUM, BLASPH
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27 27 Ling. Lat., but Nyrop quotes
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29 29 singular in early times), SPI
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31 31 substantia consumitur” (Ita
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33 33 plural (evidence of the early
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35 35 in Chir.) as ‘leaves’? Th
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37 37 loanwords and verbal nouns; i
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39 39 singulars are felt to be the
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41 41 language, producing a situati
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43 43 c) Passing now to French, we
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45 45 separated from braç, as are
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47 47 a modern formation). Old Ital
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49 49 ‘powder horns’, ‘corner
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51 51 also represent Latin -NIA (cf
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53 53 ‘heels’ gives the Rumania
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55 55 böila, Eng. böglia, Surs. b
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57 57 de Dial. Esp., p. 346). But b
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59 59 j) Traces of other old neuter
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61 61 uova, with dial. ove or ovi f
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63 63 ‘kneading-trough’, in the
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65 65 8. Numerals and pronominal ad
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67 67 mil and modern mille (masc.).
Page 69 and 70: 69 69 OFr. nu(l)s, nule, Prov. nuls
Page 71 and 72: 71 71 find the meaning ‘leaf’,
Page 73 and 74: 73 73 in the areas which use -i for
Page 75 and 76: 75 75 c) Let us now look at the sit
Page 77 and 78: 77 77 turn to the dialects to find
Page 79 and 80: 79 79 matching these also ulivo/uli
Page 81 and 82: 81 81 corme), corne (OFr. cornelle)
Page 83 and 84: 83 83 beside cuerno/corgno, prunell
Page 85 and 86: 85 85 cerezal ‘cherry orchard’,
Page 87 and 88: 87 87 ‘holm-oak’ tree, but Arag
Page 89 and 90: 89 89 péšego), with another varie
Page 91 and 92: 91 91 the Piedmontese form la figa
Page 93 and 94: 93 93 assisted by the feminine noun
Page 95 and 96: 95 95 (oak), roveto (bramble), vign
Page 97 and 98: 97 97 r) The position in Catalan is
Page 99 and 100: 99 99 native to the area all right,
Page 101 and 102: 101 101 but the fortuitous similari
Page 103 and 104: 103 103 trufa from French, Ptg. tub
Page 105 and 106: 105 105 Italian plurals in -ora and
Page 107 and 108: 107 107 account for Prov. nos (besi
Page 109 and 110: 109 109 Italian as the Latinism fri
Page 111 and 112: 111 111 Sard. pettorale. PIGNORA is
Page 113 and 114: 113 113 FUNDUS, ARCUS, COLFUS, NODU
Page 115 and 116: 115 115 from a late Greek form kól
Page 117 and 118: 117 117 like cambiora, digiunora, f
Page 119: 119 119 down by purely popular tran
Page 123 and 124: 123 123 note that -egl- > -agl- is
Page 125 and 126: 125 125 dictionary ascribes the Ita
Page 127 and 128: 127 127 with the same meaning. This
Page 129 and 130: 129 129 ‘brotherhood’, and the
Page 131 and 132: 131 131 Vegl. fyasta (the Rum. fest
Page 133 and 134: 133 133 ‘salary’, and in these
Page 135 and 136: 135 135 legenda, Fr. (learned) lég
Page 137 and 138: 137 137 the widespread forms corres
Page 139 and 140: 139 139 morceau, Engl. bit), It. bo
Page 141 and 142: 141 141 languages the first consona
Page 143 and 144: 143 143 spread to the Iberian Penin
Page 145 and 146: 145 145 Rhaeto-Romance. From VINCUL
Page 147 and 148: 147 147 VISCUM ‘mistletoe’. Fro
Page 149 and 150: 149 149 are also forms without clas
Page 151 and 152: 151 151 also lists Rum. par as “n
Page 153 and 154: 153 153 of ACUS ‘needles’, wher
Page 155 and 156: 155 155 become a singular meaning
Page 157 and 158: 157 157 From LINTEA ‘linen cloths
Page 159 and 160: 159 159 esquírola ‘ditto’. Fro
Page 161 and 162: 161 161 Rum. răza is ‘scrape’,
Page 163 and 164: 163 163 combination of meanings; in
Page 165 and 166: 165 165 has at the same time become
Page 167 and 168: 167 167 üj ‘grape’. Similarly
Page 169 and 170: 169 169 feminines; examples are It.
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171 171 feminine noun which has nei
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173 173 Cat. bolla ‘seal on cloth
Page 175 and 176:
175 175 Lat. VENA. Spanish seems to
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177 177 Heidelberg, 1920; Romanisch
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