The Latin Neuter Plurals in Romance - Page ON

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150 Cat. dial. poua ‘well of ice’ (the SEFr. puise, Occ. pouso ‘well-bucket’ are deverbals). The unattested *MURA ‘walls’ appears in Mac.-Rum. mură (with -ă for -e after r) and It. collective mura, dial. mure, as opposed to individual muri; here Friulian has muris as the plural of mur, seemingly representing *MURAS, as -is is the outcome of -AS (cf. brazzis, zenolis, lavris, timplis above), and there is also an Occ. muro ‘walls in ruins’ and OSard. mura ‘walls’. Equally there seems to have been a form *POPULA ‘peoples’ to have given Rum. pl. popoare ‘ditto’, though the fem. sings. OFr. peuple, peuble, Béarn. Poublo, Cat. Pobla, Sp. Puebla, Ptg. Povoa, all indicating settlements, are reckoned to be deverbals. From the late CIRCA and CIRCULA ‘circles’ we get Rum. cercuri (sing. cerc) ‘circles’, ‘hoops’, It. cerchia, originally a plural (“dua cercla bona”, Rohlfs, §248 n.) but now a singular meaning ‘circle (of walls)’ (cerca seems only to be found as a deverbal), the OFr. fem. sing. cercle ‘circle’ (cerche is a deverbal), Occ. cieuclo for a kind of goldfish with double-crescent markings (cerco is a deverbal, as is Cat. cerca), Sp. cerca ‘encircling wall’, ‘enclosure’, cercha ‘circular rule’ (given by Menéndez Pidal as < CIRCULA, but the DCELC says it is taken from French), Ptg. cerca (as Spanish). FOCI ‘fires’ followed the pattern of LOCA and IOCA, giving Rum. focuri (Istro-Rum. focură), OIt. f(u)ocora, SIt. fuocore. FURNl/FORNI ‘ovens’ also developed a neuter form, found in Isidore, and appears in Old Tuscan as fornora, in Neapolitan as forna, and in the south as fornuri, furnure; there are also the sings. OFr. fourne (hapax) ‘baking’, Occ. fourno ‘baker’s peel’ and Ast. forna ‘oven’. Late CULTELLA ‘knives’ has given the OIt. pl. coltella (Rumanian has cuŃite, from a p.p. meaning ‘honed’), and the sings. V. Antrona curtela, Surs. cuntiala ‘blade’, Fr. coutelle ‘sculptor’s chisel’, Prov. coutela, OCat. coltella, Sp. cuchilla, Ptg. cutela ‘large knife’. In the case of MARTELLI ‘hammers’, OIt. pls. martella and martielgle (Old Umbrian) are matched by Cat. dial. martella ‘sledge hammer’; Latian cappelləra ‘hats’ for late Latin CAPPELLI ‘headwear’ is probably a recent formation. For PALI ‘stakes’ there is a SIt. palure, and the Schönkron dictionary 150
151 151 also lists Rum. par as “n.”, though I can find no support for this elsewhere; for SOMNI ‘sleeps’ there are -ORA forms in both areas, Rum. somnuri and It. dial. sonnora, while the similar SONI ‘sounds’ appears in OIt. suonora, Sic. sonira. Late CUNEA ‘wedges’ has given Rum. cuie ‘nails’; we have seen that It. cogna ‘measures of wine’ comes from CONGIA, not CUNEA, which only appears as a feminine singular in Cosenza, Sic. cugna ‘coining die’ (for ‘wedge’ It. uses the learned cuneo). Another Italian measure of capacity that I have chanced to turn up is OCampan. pl. tomela (from tomolo; Monaci, No. 23). e) From the late plural LAQUEA ‘nooses’ (also found as a fem. sing.), which developed as *LACIA, have come Rum. pl. laŃuri ‘nooses’ and the sings. NIt. (Imola) laza ‘string’, Fr. lasse ‘silk cord’ and Cat. llaça ‘disc (pad) of rope’, while a similar *MALLEA ‘hammers’ (cf. Caper’s condemnation of MALLEUM for MALLEUS) has given Rum. pl. maiuri, regional maie ‘mauls’ and the sings. MFr. maille, Occ. malho, maio ‘mallet’, and perhaps the Sp. maja ‘pestle’, though Ptg. malha ‘beating’ is clearly a deverbal. Also PILI ‘hairs’ is represented by a Sic. pila, though in Rumanian the usual plural is the masc. peri, with neuter păruri only rarely found. The Greek noun AER ‘air’ had a pl. AERA in late Latin (and also earlier in poetry), and this has survived as a plural in Rum. aere, and otherwise as a singular in OIt. aira, now aria (also adopted into Rhaeto-Romance and virtually replacing native ajer, er), OFr. aire, now absorbed by air, and Sard. (Cent.) áera (ágera). We have already looked at the -ORA forms for CAMPI ‘fields’, Rum. câmpuri, Lombard Latin campora(s), continued in Old Tuscan and in place names like Campora, Campori; apart from these you have Sp. tierra campa, Ptg. terra campa ‘treeless land’ and Ptg. campa dos mouros ‘ancient grave sites’, from which campa ‘gravestone’. For PANNI ‘cloths’, Meyer-Lübke (Schicks.) quotes It. pannora, and Monaci (No. 131) has an OTusc. sing. panoro formed from this and meaning ‘a measure of
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1 1 The Latin Neuter Plurals in Rom
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individually. 3 3 Such treatments a
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5 5 stages of the language. (Incide
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7 7 preserved in Italian, such as t
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9 9 ‘well’, CAPILLUM ‘hair’
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etween the 2nd and 4th declensions)
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13 13 changing their declension in
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15 15 Another popular development w
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une formation hybride à cheval sur
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19 19 with acc. pl. LUSTROS, in ins
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21 21 OSSUUM/OSSUORUM/OSSORUM/OSSAR
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23 23 inscription (Bourciez, §218c
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25 25 PRAESTIGIUM, INFAMIUM, BLASPH
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27 27 Ling. Lat., but Nyrop quotes
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29 29 singular in early times), SPI
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31 31 substantia consumitur” (Ita
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33 33 plural (evidence of the early
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35 35 in Chir.) as ‘leaves’? Th
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37 37 loanwords and verbal nouns; i
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39 39 singulars are felt to be the
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41 41 language, producing a situati
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43 43 c) Passing now to French, we
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45 45 separated from braç, as are
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47 47 a modern formation). Old Ital
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49 49 ‘powder horns’, ‘corner
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51 51 also represent Latin -NIA (cf
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53 53 ‘heels’ gives the Rumania
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55 55 böila, Eng. böglia, Surs. b
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57 57 de Dial. Esp., p. 346). But b
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59 59 j) Traces of other old neuter
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61 61 uova, with dial. ove or ovi f
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63 63 ‘kneading-trough’, in the
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65 65 8. Numerals and pronominal ad
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67 67 mil and modern mille (masc.).
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69 69 OFr. nu(l)s, nule, Prov. nuls
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71 71 find the meaning ‘leaf’,
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73 73 in the areas which use -i for
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75 75 c) Let us now look at the sit
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77 77 turn to the dialects to find
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79 79 matching these also ulivo/uli
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81 81 corme), corne (OFr. cornelle)
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83 83 beside cuerno/corgno, prunell
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85 85 cerezal ‘cherry orchard’,
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87 87 ‘holm-oak’ tree, but Arag
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89 89 péšego), with another varie
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91 91 the Piedmontese form la figa
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93 93 assisted by the feminine noun
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95 95 (oak), roveto (bramble), vign
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97 97 r) The position in Catalan is
Page 99 and 100: 99 99 native to the area all right,
Page 101 and 102: 101 101 but the fortuitous similari
Page 103 and 104: 103 103 trufa from French, Ptg. tub
Page 105 and 106: 105 105 Italian plurals in -ora and
Page 107 and 108: 107 107 account for Prov. nos (besi
Page 109 and 110: 109 109 Italian as the Latinism fri
Page 111 and 112: 111 111 Sard. pettorale. PIGNORA is
Page 113 and 114: 113 113 FUNDUS, ARCUS, COLFUS, NODU
Page 115 and 116: 115 115 from a late Greek form kól
Page 117 and 118: 117 117 like cambiora, digiunora, f
Page 119 and 120: 119 119 down by purely popular tran
Page 121 and 122: 121 121 examples I have given above
Page 123 and 124: 123 123 note that -egl- > -agl- is
Page 125 and 126: 125 125 dictionary ascribes the Ita
Page 127 and 128: 127 127 with the same meaning. This
Page 129 and 130: 129 129 ‘brotherhood’, and the
Page 131 and 132: 131 131 Vegl. fyasta (the Rum. fest
Page 133 and 134: 133 133 ‘salary’, and in these
Page 135 and 136: 135 135 legenda, Fr. (learned) lég
Page 137 and 138: 137 137 the widespread forms corres
Page 139 and 140: 139 139 morceau, Engl. bit), It. bo
Page 141 and 142: 141 141 languages the first consona
Page 143 and 144: 143 143 spread to the Iberian Penin
Page 145 and 146: 145 145 Rhaeto-Romance. From VINCUL
Page 147 and 148: 147 147 VISCUM ‘mistletoe’. Fro
Page 149: 149 149 are also forms without clas
Page 153 and 154: 153 153 of ACUS ‘needles’, wher
Page 155 and 156: 155 155 become a singular meaning
Page 157 and 158: 157 157 From LINTEA ‘linen cloths
Page 159 and 160: 159 159 esquírola ‘ditto’. Fro
Page 161 and 162: 161 161 Rum. răza is ‘scrape’,
Page 163 and 164: 163 163 combination of meanings; in
Page 165 and 166: 165 165 has at the same time become
Page 167 and 168: 167 167 üj ‘grape’. Similarly
Page 169 and 170: 169 169 feminines; examples are It.
Page 171 and 172: 171 171 feminine noun which has nei
Page 173 and 174: 173 173 Cat. bolla ‘seal on cloth
Page 175 and 176: 175 175 Lat. VENA. Spanish seems to
Page 177 and 178: 177 177 Heidelberg, 1920; Romanisch
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