The Latin Neuter Plurals in Romance - Page ON

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152 land’, while Wartburg quotes a sing. panna ‘sails’ (in panna means ‘hove to’) and refers panna ‘cream’, with Friul. pane, to the same source; other forms are OFr. panne, Prov. panna ‘cloth’, while Rumanian has the cognate pânză as a collective singular ‘linen cloth’ (the modern Fr. panne ‘shag’, from which come Cat., Sp. pana, is referred to PINNA ‘feather’). Other sketchy remains are OIt. solca, SIt. solkərə ‘furrows’ for SULCI, where Occitan has souco ‘ridge between two furrows’, OIt. amora ‘fish-hooks’ for HAMI, with a new Calab. sing. amuru, and Lombard Latin vicoras ‘hamlets’ for VICI, with Neap. vecole ‘alleys’. On the Rumanian side we have numere ‘numbers’ (sing. număr) for NUMERI, beside which there was a late Latin NUMERA ‘cohorts’ (Du Cange), and cufere ‘coffers’ (sing. cufăr) for COPHINI ‘baskets’. Also caşuri beside masc. caşi ‘cheeses’, where CASEA was found for CASEI in early and late Latin. Late LECTA ‘beds’ gives Lombard Latin lectora, with OIt. letta and SIt. lettəra, lettrə. For RIVI ‘rivers’, besides the RIVORA and râuri we have already looked at in §4e, which are paralleled by Lomb. Lat. riora(s), Sic. riola and Sard. Rivora, we may note Sp., Ptg. ria ‘estuary’, and for NIDI ‘nests’, besides Lomb. Lat. nidora, It. dial. ne(d)ora, nidura/-re (already noted in 10a, g), there are the OIt. nida and the OSp. (Burg.) nia. There are also a certain number of 4th-declension nouns that we have partly looked at in connection with the -ORA forms. From late GRADA ‘steps’, besides the modern Rum. grade (a loanword) and OIt. grada (DES), Lomb. Lat., OIt. gradora, we have the singular forms OIt. grada, Prov. graza, OCat. graa and Sp. grada (from which Sard. grada) for a ‘step’ in a staircase. For LACUS ‘lakes’ (Lomb. Lat. lacora), where Rumanian has pl. lacuri and Old Tuscan lagora, Occitan has the sing. laco ‘little lagoon’ and Catalan llaca ‘mud deposited after heavy rain or flooding’, and for TONITRUS ‘thunderclaps’, where Italian dialects have trondrə, tronola, we may compare the Occ. sing. trouno ‘sound of thunder’, Cat. dial. trona ‘thunderclaps’, ‘pistol’, Rum. pl. tunete ‘thunderclaps’, tunuri ‘cannons’, and Leon. (Luarca) sing. tona ‘thunder’ (Men. Pid., Dial. Leon., §3.2). In the case 152
153 153 of ACUS ‘needles’, where Italian dialects have pls. acora, aghərə, acure, acola etc. (and a sing. aca, aga), Rumanian has pl. ace and Istro-Rumanian acur. We have already seen that GUSTUS ‘taste’ became GUSTUM in late Latin, so that Rum. gusturi ‘tastes’ is parallel to furturi from FURTA ‘thefts’, where classical FURTUM was flanked by a late form FURTUS; 4th-decl. SINGULTUS ‘sob’ was replaced by *SUBGLUTTIU, the plural of which has given Rum. sughiŃuri. The forms for ARCUS, FETUS, MANUS, PASSUS, PORTUS and SINUS have already been looked at (the -A forms corresponding to FETUS, such as Rum. fată ‘girl’, Friul. fede, NIt., Rh. (hapax), Prov., Rouss. feda ‘sheep’, and Montañese jeda ‘cow that has calved’ are presumably newly-formed feminines). Finally, from 5th-declension MERIDIES ‘noon’ we have the OIt. pl. meriggia ‘shady places’ (a deverbal?). 14. Miscellaneous neuters which only survive as feminine singulars. a) We are left with a great number of words which have in general only survived as feminine singulars, even in Rumanian, for the most part only with a unitary meaning, thus confirming what we have already seen in late Latin. As we saw in §4, many of these words already appeared as singulars in late Latin, though it is not always clear in what sense they were used. The most commonly quoted examples of this change taking place in Latin are OPERA and ARMA, the implication being that these words were found as singulars in classical Latin; this is certainly true for OPERA ‘work’, but ARMA ‘weapons’ only appears as a feminine at a much later date. Here the modern forms are Rum. operă (newly introduced), armă, It. opera, arma ‘arm (branch) of the forces’, arme ‘weapon’ (formerly plural, as in all’arme! ‘to arms!’), Friul. uare, arme, Rh. ovra/oura, arma (used as a collective in en arma, portar/purter arma), Fr. oeuvre, arme (with an OFr. pl. “s’oste ses arme”; alarme is from the Italian), Prov., Cat. obra, arma, Sp. huebra ‘the extent ploughed by a yoke of
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1 1 The Latin Neuter Plurals in Rom
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individually. 3 3 Such treatments a
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5 5 stages of the language. (Incide
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7 7 preserved in Italian, such as t
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9 9 ‘well’, CAPILLUM ‘hair’
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etween the 2nd and 4th declensions)
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13 13 changing their declension in
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15 15 Another popular development w
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une formation hybride à cheval sur
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19 19 with acc. pl. LUSTROS, in ins
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21 21 OSSUUM/OSSUORUM/OSSORUM/OSSAR
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23 23 inscription (Bourciez, §218c
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25 25 PRAESTIGIUM, INFAMIUM, BLASPH
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27 27 Ling. Lat., but Nyrop quotes
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29 29 singular in early times), SPI
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31 31 substantia consumitur” (Ita
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33 33 plural (evidence of the early
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35 35 in Chir.) as ‘leaves’? Th
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37 37 loanwords and verbal nouns; i
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39 39 singulars are felt to be the
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41 41 language, producing a situati
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43 43 c) Passing now to French, we
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45 45 separated from braç, as are
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47 47 a modern formation). Old Ital
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49 49 ‘powder horns’, ‘corner
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51 51 also represent Latin -NIA (cf
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53 53 ‘heels’ gives the Rumania
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55 55 böila, Eng. böglia, Surs. b
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57 57 de Dial. Esp., p. 346). But b
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59 59 j) Traces of other old neuter
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61 61 uova, with dial. ove or ovi f
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63 63 ‘kneading-trough’, in the
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65 65 8. Numerals and pronominal ad
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67 67 mil and modern mille (masc.).
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69 69 OFr. nu(l)s, nule, Prov. nuls
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71 71 find the meaning ‘leaf’,
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73 73 in the areas which use -i for
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75 75 c) Let us now look at the sit
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77 77 turn to the dialects to find
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79 79 matching these also ulivo/uli
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81 81 corme), corne (OFr. cornelle)
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83 83 beside cuerno/corgno, prunell
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85 85 cerezal ‘cherry orchard’,
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87 87 ‘holm-oak’ tree, but Arag
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89 89 péšego), with another varie
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91 91 the Piedmontese form la figa
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93 93 assisted by the feminine noun
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95 95 (oak), roveto (bramble), vign
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97 97 r) The position in Catalan is
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99 99 native to the area all right,
Page 101 and 102: 101 101 but the fortuitous similari
Page 103 and 104: 103 103 trufa from French, Ptg. tub
Page 105 and 106: 105 105 Italian plurals in -ora and
Page 107 and 108: 107 107 account for Prov. nos (besi
Page 109 and 110: 109 109 Italian as the Latinism fri
Page 111 and 112: 111 111 Sard. pettorale. PIGNORA is
Page 113 and 114: 113 113 FUNDUS, ARCUS, COLFUS, NODU
Page 115 and 116: 115 115 from a late Greek form kól
Page 117 and 118: 117 117 like cambiora, digiunora, f
Page 119 and 120: 119 119 down by purely popular tran
Page 121 and 122: 121 121 examples I have given above
Page 123 and 124: 123 123 note that -egl- > -agl- is
Page 125 and 126: 125 125 dictionary ascribes the Ita
Page 127 and 128: 127 127 with the same meaning. This
Page 129 and 130: 129 129 ‘brotherhood’, and the
Page 131 and 132: 131 131 Vegl. fyasta (the Rum. fest
Page 133 and 134: 133 133 ‘salary’, and in these
Page 135 and 136: 135 135 legenda, Fr. (learned) lég
Page 137 and 138: 137 137 the widespread forms corres
Page 139 and 140: 139 139 morceau, Engl. bit), It. bo
Page 141 and 142: 141 141 languages the first consona
Page 143 and 144: 143 143 spread to the Iberian Penin
Page 145 and 146: 145 145 Rhaeto-Romance. From VINCUL
Page 147 and 148: 147 147 VISCUM ‘mistletoe’. Fro
Page 149 and 150: 149 149 are also forms without clas
Page 151: 151 151 also lists Rum. par as “n
Page 155 and 156: 155 155 become a singular meaning
Page 157 and 158: 157 157 From LINTEA ‘linen cloths
Page 159 and 160: 159 159 esquírola ‘ditto’. Fro
Page 161 and 162: 161 161 Rum. răza is ‘scrape’,
Page 163 and 164: 163 163 combination of meanings; in
Page 165 and 166: 165 165 has at the same time become
Page 167 and 168: 167 167 üj ‘grape’. Similarly
Page 169 and 170: 169 169 feminines; examples are It.
Page 171 and 172: 171 171 feminine noun which has nei
Page 173 and 174: 173 173 Cat. bolla ‘seal on cloth
Page 175 and 176: 175 175 Lat. VENA. Spanish seems to
Page 177 and 178: 177 177 Heidelberg, 1920; Romanisch
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