The Latin Neuter Plurals in Romance - Page ON

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116 -A type of plural. Here the only possibility I can suggest is that these nouns, having -U, and even -Ū, rather than -O as their stem vowel, were felt to have a greater affinity with the neuter nouns in -US, which likewise had no -O forms (cf. the contrary move to the 4th declension evidenced by the southern Italian plurals le peco, le capo), though I fear this argument does not carry much weight when one considers firstly that the Italian remnants of the 4th-declension plurals end in -o, and further that the neuter nouns in -US also show early traces of -O forms, such as CORPO in the Pereg. (Grandgent, §356.3), to which compare also the PECTUM in an inscription from Italy (Bour., §218b). Anyway, the fact is that the 4th-declension masculines all became neuters, and in many cases adopted -ORA rather than -A as the plural ending; here we find many examples of abstract nouns in Lombard Latin, such as the praeceptora, ingressora, scriptora, mansoras, traversoras I quoted earlier, and similar formations such as Rum. aluaturi, drepturi, salturi, vânaturi, viersuri, Istro-Rum. traveršur (Schicks., p. 53), It. dial. peccatərə, pərtosərə, reposora (Wartburg, Raccolta, 37:548). Once established, this type may be supposed to have attracted to itself firstly the 2nd-declension nouns in -TUS, -TUM, giving forms like Lomb. Lat. (h)ortora, pavimentora, tectora, ventora, as well as the lectora, pratora just quoted, Rum. pământuri, vânturi; of the former, ortora, tettora, lettora and pratora have survived in modern Italian, and been joined by others like detərə (DIGITA), vutura (VOTA). These were also joined by other 2nd-declension neuters (including those that became neuter at a later stage), giving forms like Lomb. Lat., OIt. locora, Rum. locuri, or Lomb. Lat. extromentora (= INSTRUMENTA), ferroras, modiora, poiora (PODIA), ramora, stariora (SEXTARIA), vadora, paralleled by Rum. aiuri, ajunuri, arginturi, aururi, ceruri, chiaguri, coturi, cuiuri, dosuri, fânuri, frâiuri, fusuri, genunchiuri, grâiuri, juguri, lucruri, meiuri, nasuri, ochiuri, prânzuri, preŃuri, ramuri, schimburi, scuturi, seuri, somnuri, spicuri, stauluri, vâscuri, veninuri, vinuri and so on, to which we find occasional Italian correspondences in forms 116
117 117 like cambiora, digiunora, fusora, ginocchiora, granora, occhiora, ramora, scudora, sonnora, vinora; other such forms are bagnora, vrazzora, donora, filora, gaiora, lignora, ossora, regnora, sassora. Besides these we have certain 2nd-declension masculines and other formations for which there is early evidence of -ora forms in Lombard Latin, and which perhaps became neuter in late Latin because of their collective signification: arbustora, campora, domora, nidora, planora, rivora, vicora and so on (some of them still continued later), with other forms like fornora, fuocora, nerbora appearing in Old Italian, to which we find correspondences in Rum. câmpuri, focuri, while modern Italian dialects also have jocura, trondra/tronola, saccure corresponding to Rum. jocuri, tunuri, sacuri (so M.-L., Schicks.), besides others like anellora, cappellora, pugnora, solcora. (In the case of Rumanian it will have been observed that there is often more than one form, so that the -uri form may often be a modern development, and the argument of parallel development should not be pressed too far.) h) Apart from these, there have been other developments which can only be local, some of which were noted in §4. Thus in Lombard Latin and Old Italian we find the ending extended to certain loanwords, while in Rumanian it has become virtually the standard plural ending for any monosyllabic loanword denoting an inanimate object, or words ending in a foreign suffix like -iş, -ug, as well as many others. In Italian dialects, especially those in which the feminine ending -e changed phonetically to -i, this -ora ending was extended to many masculine nouns (with feminine article) to distinguish them from the corresponding feminine ones, as noted in §5c, and even to a few feminines (for examples, see Rohlfs, §370). Standard Rumanian has not added -uri to masculine nouns, though, as noted in §5c, it has added it to some feminine nouns, especially mass nouns, giving the idea of ‘kinds of...’ (perhaps starting out from forms like arămuri, legumuri), but
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1 1 The Latin Neuter Plurals in Rom
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individually. 3 3 Such treatments a
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5 5 stages of the language. (Incide
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7 7 preserved in Italian, such as t
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9 9 ‘well’, CAPILLUM ‘hair’
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etween the 2nd and 4th declensions)
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13 13 changing their declension in
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15 15 Another popular development w
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une formation hybride à cheval sur
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19 19 with acc. pl. LUSTROS, in ins
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21 21 OSSUUM/OSSUORUM/OSSORUM/OSSAR
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23 23 inscription (Bourciez, §218c
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25 25 PRAESTIGIUM, INFAMIUM, BLASPH
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27 27 Ling. Lat., but Nyrop quotes
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29 29 singular in early times), SPI
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31 31 substantia consumitur” (Ita
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33 33 plural (evidence of the early
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35 35 in Chir.) as ‘leaves’? Th
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37 37 loanwords and verbal nouns; i
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39 39 singulars are felt to be the
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41 41 language, producing a situati
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43 43 c) Passing now to French, we
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45 45 separated from braç, as are
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47 47 a modern formation). Old Ital
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49 49 ‘powder horns’, ‘corner
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51 51 also represent Latin -NIA (cf
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53 53 ‘heels’ gives the Rumania
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55 55 böila, Eng. böglia, Surs. b
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57 57 de Dial. Esp., p. 346). But b
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59 59 j) Traces of other old neuter
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61 61 uova, with dial. ove or ovi f
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63 63 ‘kneading-trough’, in the
Page 65 and 66: 65 65 8. Numerals and pronominal ad
Page 67 and 68: 67 67 mil and modern mille (masc.).
Page 69 and 70: 69 69 OFr. nu(l)s, nule, Prov. nuls
Page 71 and 72: 71 71 find the meaning ‘leaf’,
Page 73 and 74: 73 73 in the areas which use -i for
Page 75 and 76: 75 75 c) Let us now look at the sit
Page 77 and 78: 77 77 turn to the dialects to find
Page 79 and 80: 79 79 matching these also ulivo/uli
Page 81 and 82: 81 81 corme), corne (OFr. cornelle)
Page 83 and 84: 83 83 beside cuerno/corgno, prunell
Page 85 and 86: 85 85 cerezal ‘cherry orchard’,
Page 87 and 88: 87 87 ‘holm-oak’ tree, but Arag
Page 89 and 90: 89 89 péšego), with another varie
Page 91 and 92: 91 91 the Piedmontese form la figa
Page 93 and 94: 93 93 assisted by the feminine noun
Page 95 and 96: 95 95 (oak), roveto (bramble), vign
Page 97 and 98: 97 97 r) The position in Catalan is
Page 99 and 100: 99 99 native to the area all right,
Page 101 and 102: 101 101 but the fortuitous similari
Page 103 and 104: 103 103 trufa from French, Ptg. tub
Page 105 and 106: 105 105 Italian plurals in -ora and
Page 107 and 108: 107 107 account for Prov. nos (besi
Page 109 and 110: 109 109 Italian as the Latinism fri
Page 111 and 112: 111 111 Sard. pettorale. PIGNORA is
Page 113 and 114: 113 113 FUNDUS, ARCUS, COLFUS, NODU
Page 115: 115 115 from a late Greek form kól
Page 119 and 120: 119 119 down by purely popular tran
Page 121 and 122: 121 121 examples I have given above
Page 123 and 124: 123 123 note that -egl- > -agl- is
Page 125 and 126: 125 125 dictionary ascribes the Ita
Page 127 and 128: 127 127 with the same meaning. This
Page 129 and 130: 129 129 ‘brotherhood’, and the
Page 131 and 132: 131 131 Vegl. fyasta (the Rum. fest
Page 133 and 134: 133 133 ‘salary’, and in these
Page 135 and 136: 135 135 legenda, Fr. (learned) lég
Page 137 and 138: 137 137 the widespread forms corres
Page 139 and 140: 139 139 morceau, Engl. bit), It. bo
Page 141 and 142: 141 141 languages the first consona
Page 143 and 144: 143 143 spread to the Iberian Penin
Page 145 and 146: 145 145 Rhaeto-Romance. From VINCUL
Page 147 and 148: 147 147 VISCUM ‘mistletoe’. Fro
Page 149 and 150: 149 149 are also forms without clas
Page 151 and 152: 151 151 also lists Rum. par as “n
Page 153 and 154: 153 153 of ACUS ‘needles’, wher
Page 155 and 156: 155 155 become a singular meaning
Page 157 and 158: 157 157 From LINTEA ‘linen cloths
Page 159 and 160: 159 159 esquírola ‘ditto’. Fro
Page 161 and 162: 161 161 Rum. răza is ‘scrape’,
Page 163 and 164: 163 163 combination of meanings; in
Page 165 and 166: 165 165 has at the same time become
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167 167 üj ‘grape’. Similarly
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169 169 feminines; examples are It.
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171 171 feminine noun which has nei
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173 173 Cat. bolla ‘seal on cloth
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175 175 Lat. VENA. Spanish seems to
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177 177 Heidelberg, 1920; Romanisch
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