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The Latin Neuter Plurals in Romance - Page ON

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Cat. dial. poua ‘well of ice’ (the SEFr. puise, Occ. pouso ‘well-bucket’ are<br />

deverbals). <strong>The</strong> unattested *MURA ‘walls’ appears <strong>in</strong> Mac.-Rum. mură (with -ă<br />

for -e after r) and It. collective mura, dial. mure, as opposed to <strong>in</strong>dividual muri;<br />

here Friulian has muris as the plural of mur, seem<strong>in</strong>gly represent<strong>in</strong>g *MURAS,<br />

as -is is the outcome of -AS (cf. brazzis, zenolis, lavris, timplis above), and<br />

there is also an Occ. muro ‘walls <strong>in</strong> ru<strong>in</strong>s’ and OSard. mura ‘walls’. Equally<br />

there seems to have been a form *POPULA ‘peoples’ to have given Rum. pl.<br />

popoare ‘ditto’, though the fem. s<strong>in</strong>gs. OFr. peuple, peuble, Béarn. Poublo, Cat.<br />

Pobla, Sp. Puebla, Ptg. Povoa, all <strong>in</strong>dicat<strong>in</strong>g settlements, are reckoned to be<br />

deverbals. From the late CIRCA and CIRCULA ‘circles’ we get Rum. cercuri (s<strong>in</strong>g.<br />

cerc) ‘circles’, ‘hoops’, It. cerchia, orig<strong>in</strong>ally a plural (“dua cercla bona”,<br />

Rohlfs, §248 n.) but now a s<strong>in</strong>gular mean<strong>in</strong>g ‘circle (of walls)’ (cerca seems<br />

only to be found as a deverbal), the OFr. fem. s<strong>in</strong>g. cercle ‘circle’ (cerche is a<br />

deverbal), Occ. cieuclo for a k<strong>in</strong>d of goldfish with double-crescent mark<strong>in</strong>gs<br />

(cerco is a deverbal, as is Cat. cerca), Sp. cerca ‘encircl<strong>in</strong>g wall’, ‘enclosure’,<br />

cercha ‘circular rule’ (given by Menéndez Pidal as < CIRCULA, but the DCELC<br />

says it is taken from French), Ptg. cerca (as Spanish). FOCI ‘fires’ followed the<br />

pattern of LOCA and IOCA, giv<strong>in</strong>g Rum. focuri (Istro-Rum. focură), OIt.<br />

f(u)ocora, SIt. fuocore. FURNl/FORNI ‘ovens’ also developed a neuter form,<br />

found <strong>in</strong> Isidore, and appears <strong>in</strong> Old Tuscan as fornora, <strong>in</strong> Neapolitan as forna,<br />

and <strong>in</strong> the south as fornuri, furnure; there are also the s<strong>in</strong>gs. OFr. fourne<br />

(hapax) ‘bak<strong>in</strong>g’, Occ. fourno ‘baker’s peel’ and Ast. forna ‘oven’. Late<br />

CULTELLA ‘knives’ has given the OIt. pl. coltella (Rumanian has cuŃite, from a<br />

p.p. mean<strong>in</strong>g ‘honed’), and the s<strong>in</strong>gs. V. Antrona curtela, Surs. cuntiala ‘blade’,<br />

Fr. coutelle ‘sculptor’s chisel’, Prov. coutela, OCat. coltella, Sp. cuchilla, Ptg.<br />

cutela ‘large knife’. In the case of MARTELLI ‘hammers’, OIt. pls. martella and<br />

martielgle (Old Umbrian) are matched by Cat. dial. martella ‘sledge hammer’;<br />

Latian cappelləra ‘hats’ for late <strong>Lat<strong>in</strong></strong> CAPPELLI ‘headwear’ is probably a recent<br />

formation. For PALI ‘stakes’ there is a SIt. palure, and the Schönkron dictionary<br />

150

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