The Latin Neuter Plurals in Romance - Page ON

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62 forms were homophonous by this time), and Prov. pairas for paira. As we have seen, this collective usage still continues in Rhaeto-Romance, and we may suppose that it was once general in all the Western Romance languages. Other languages derive their words for ‘pair’ from *PARICULA (perhaps originally a plural) or *PARICULU, so Rum. sing. păreche (Mac. Rum. păreacl’e and părecl’u), Prov. parelha and parelh (the modern form), Cat. parella ‘couple’, parell ‘pair’, Sp. pareja, Ptg. parelha (and in Brazil parelho ‘two-piece suit’), Sard. (Camp.) pariga; Old French also used pareil, and Italian has pariglia (a northern form) and Cal., Sic. paricchia or paricchiu, parigghia, this latter from the standard language. Of the other unit words, let us take first late Latin CARRA ‘carts’. Here we have the Rum. pl. care (Mold. cară) as the general word for ‘carts’, not only ‘cartloads’, and then OIt. due carra (dial. carre) for ‘two cartloads’, as opposed to carri ‘carts’; here the northern dialects also preserve the old neuter form, so Ven. mille cara, as compared with ose for standard ossa. In Rhaeto-Romance we find Eng. dua (traia) charra (and Central tgarra) as well as duos chars, whereas Sursilvan only has the construction dus carrs. Old French has the similar cinquante care (in the Roland), though it also uses the plural form charres in such cases; similarly in Provençal we find VII charra de leigna (Graf., ibid.), but this Latin plural form does not seem to have survived beyond the Pyrenees. Again, Latin MODIA ‘2-gallon units’ (found in Pliny, and note also the Lombard Latin MODIORA) gives the Italian pl. moggia ‘hogsheads’; note too that besides the standard Tuscan form moggio, Italian also uses the northern mozzo for ‘hub’. Of the corresponding OFr. muie Godefroy only gives examples with the plural -s affixed, but for Provençal Grafström quotes tria semoia < SE(MI)MODIA ‘gallons’ (a usage not recorded by Levy); as far as I can ascertain, Eng. mozza is likewise the collective plural of möz ‘bushel’, but the Surs. mosa has become a unitary word for a 62
63 63 ‘kneading-trough’, in the same way as Neap. semmoja (Wart.) means a ‘hub’. In this connection there is a word of almost pan-Romance distribution, but of uncertain origin, though it looks as if it has some connection with MODIA, and that is the word for a ‘hopper’ in a mill, which seems to be a combination of TRIMODIA ‘a measure of 3 modia’ and TREME-; the forms are It. tramoggia, Eng. tramozza, Surs. termosa, OFr. tremuie (now trémie), Prov. tremueja/tremueia/tremoia, Cat., Arag. tremuja, Sp. dial. tramoya, Gal. tremoya, Ptg. tremonha (tramoia is from Spanish in the standard Sp. sense of ‘trick’), Sard. termoia. From late Latin SEXTARIA ‘pints’ we get It. staia, first as the plural of staio, meaning ‘bushel(ful)s’, and then as a singular, una staia ‘one bushelful’; besides this there is the form staiora, found first in Lombard Latin as STARIORA, which now has a new sing. staióro, with change of accent (cf. pugnóro from pugnora), and so pl. staióra, meaning ‘the amount of land that can be sown with a bushel of seed’. In this case Milanese also has doa stera, and šteira is found in Ticino. In Rhaeto-Romance the corresponding forms are the collectives Eng. dua (traia) stêra, Surs. dua (trei) stera. In Old French there are numerous examples of sestiere used invariably, as well as with an added -s; for Provençal Wartburg quotes an old form sestaria (Latinized?), while the modern sestieiro points to an earlier sestie(i)ra. (Gascon and Catalan have masc. sester, like Fr. setier.) Similarly It. sacco makes a pl. due sacca/sacche/saccuri (Calab.) in the sense of ‘sackfuls’ as against sacchi for the ‘sacks’ themselves (but note that sacca means ‘sacks’ in Dante, Par., 22:78), where standard Rumanian seems to be similar, as Schönkron’s dictionary has the masc. pl. saci in one half, while labelling sac “n.” in the other, with backing from Meyer-Lübke, who gives the forms sace/sacuri; here note that there is also an It. fem. sing. sacca ‘sack’, ‘bag’, paralleled by Fr.-Prov. sachi, Prov., Cat., Sp.,
Page 1 and 2:
1 1 The Latin Neuter Plurals in Rom
Page 3 and 4:
individually. 3 3 Such treatments a
Page 5 and 6:
5 5 stages of the language. (Incide
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7 7 preserved in Italian, such as t
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9 9 ‘well’, CAPILLUM ‘hair’
Page 11 and 12: etween the 2nd and 4th declensions)
Page 13 and 14: 13 13 changing their declension in
Page 15 and 16: 15 15 Another popular development w
Page 17 and 18: une formation hybride à cheval sur
Page 19 and 20: 19 19 with acc. pl. LUSTROS, in ins
Page 21 and 22: 21 21 OSSUUM/OSSUORUM/OSSORUM/OSSAR
Page 23 and 24: 23 23 inscription (Bourciez, §218c
Page 25 and 26: 25 25 PRAESTIGIUM, INFAMIUM, BLASPH
Page 27 and 28: 27 27 Ling. Lat., but Nyrop quotes
Page 29 and 30: 29 29 singular in early times), SPI
Page 31 and 32: 31 31 substantia consumitur” (Ita
Page 33 and 34: 33 33 plural (evidence of the early
Page 35 and 36: 35 35 in Chir.) as ‘leaves’? Th
Page 37 and 38: 37 37 loanwords and verbal nouns; i
Page 39 and 40: 39 39 singulars are felt to be the
Page 41 and 42: 41 41 language, producing a situati
Page 43 and 44: 43 43 c) Passing now to French, we
Page 45 and 46: 45 45 separated from braç, as are
Page 47 and 48: 47 47 a modern formation). Old Ital
Page 49 and 50: 49 49 ‘powder horns’, ‘corner
Page 51 and 52: 51 51 also represent Latin -NIA (cf
Page 53 and 54: 53 53 ‘heels’ gives the Rumania
Page 55 and 56: 55 55 böila, Eng. böglia, Surs. b
Page 57 and 58: 57 57 de Dial. Esp., p. 346). But b
Page 59 and 60: 59 59 j) Traces of other old neuter
Page 61: 61 61 uova, with dial. ove or ovi f
Page 65 and 66: 65 65 8. Numerals and pronominal ad
Page 67 and 68: 67 67 mil and modern mille (masc.).
Page 69 and 70: 69 69 OFr. nu(l)s, nule, Prov. nuls
Page 71 and 72: 71 71 find the meaning ‘leaf’,
Page 73 and 74: 73 73 in the areas which use -i for
Page 75 and 76: 75 75 c) Let us now look at the sit
Page 77 and 78: 77 77 turn to the dialects to find
Page 79 and 80: 79 79 matching these also ulivo/uli
Page 81 and 82: 81 81 corme), corne (OFr. cornelle)
Page 83 and 84: 83 83 beside cuerno/corgno, prunell
Page 85 and 86: 85 85 cerezal ‘cherry orchard’,
Page 87 and 88: 87 87 ‘holm-oak’ tree, but Arag
Page 89 and 90: 89 89 péšego), with another varie
Page 91 and 92: 91 91 the Piedmontese form la figa
Page 93 and 94: 93 93 assisted by the feminine noun
Page 95 and 96: 95 95 (oak), roveto (bramble), vign
Page 97 and 98: 97 97 r) The position in Catalan is
Page 99 and 100: 99 99 native to the area all right,
Page 101 and 102: 101 101 but the fortuitous similari
Page 103 and 104: 103 103 trufa from French, Ptg. tub
Page 105 and 106: 105 105 Italian plurals in -ora and
Page 107 and 108: 107 107 account for Prov. nos (besi
Page 109 and 110: 109 109 Italian as the Latinism fri
Page 111 and 112: 111 111 Sard. pettorale. PIGNORA is
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113 113 FUNDUS, ARCUS, COLFUS, NODU
Page 115 and 116:
115 115 from a late Greek form kól
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117 117 like cambiora, digiunora, f
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119 119 down by purely popular tran
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121 121 examples I have given above
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123 123 note that -egl- > -agl- is
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125 125 dictionary ascribes the Ita
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127 127 with the same meaning. This
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129 129 ‘brotherhood’, and the
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131 131 Vegl. fyasta (the Rum. fest
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133 133 ‘salary’, and in these
Page 135 and 136:
135 135 legenda, Fr. (learned) lég
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137 137 the widespread forms corres
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139 139 morceau, Engl. bit), It. bo
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141 141 languages the first consona
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143 143 spread to the Iberian Penin
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145 145 Rhaeto-Romance. From VINCUL
Page 147 and 148:
147 147 VISCUM ‘mistletoe’. Fro
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149 149 are also forms without clas
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151 151 also lists Rum. par as “n
Page 153 and 154:
153 153 of ACUS ‘needles’, wher
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155 155 become a singular meaning
Page 157 and 158:
157 157 From LINTEA ‘linen cloths
Page 159 and 160:
159 159 esquírola ‘ditto’. Fro
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161 161 Rum. răza is ‘scrape’,
Page 163 and 164:
163 163 combination of meanings; in
Page 165 and 166:
165 165 has at the same time become
Page 167 and 168:
167 167 üj ‘grape’. Similarly
Page 169 and 170:
169 169 feminines; examples are It.
Page 171 and 172:
171 171 feminine noun which has nei
Page 173 and 174:
173 173 Cat. bolla ‘seal on cloth
Page 175 and 176:
175 175 Lat. VENA. Spanish seems to
Page 177 and 178:
177 177 Heidelberg, 1920; Romanisch
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