The Latin Neuter Plurals in Romance - Page ON

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128 ‘filings’, Fr. rocaille ‘pebbles’, Occ. roncalho, (Cat. rocall), Sp. rocalla ‘pebbles’, ‘beads’, Ptg. rocalha ‘beads’, Sp. quebraja ‘crack’, Ptg. quebralhão ‘a bad lot’, Sp. barbajas, Ptg. barbalhos ‘rootlets’. g) Apart from the forms in -ILIA (with both long and short vowel) that we have already looked at (including VIRILIA in §6h and ERVILIA in §9w), there are a number of others to be noted, though in general this formation has been less productive than -ALIA, and there is always the problem of sorting out which of the modern forms go back to -ILIA and which to a feminine singular -ICULA. *IACILIA ‘beds’ gives Prov. jazilha, OCat. jailla, now jeia, and Sp. yacija, to which we may compare It. giaciglio, evidently newly formed from *giaciglia. A similar SEDILIA ‘seats’ has given Prov. sezilha (and sezilh), OCat. se(z)illa, OSp. seija (appearing as seyia in Berceo, S. Dom., 45d), Ptg. silha ‘(base for) a row of beehives’. Greek CONCHYLIA ‘shellfish’, Latinized as *CONQUILIA, has yielded It. co(n)chiglia (with Neap. sconciglie direct from the Greek), Fr. coquille, Prov. cauquilha, now couquiho, Cat. conquilla, Sp. alconcilla (from Mozarabic); other forms from the Latin singular are Algarve conquilho, Log. konkidzu, Camp, konkillu. The HWS (§48) quotes two Sardinian forms with cognates elsewhere. Firstly, we have Log. binkidza < *VINCILIA ‘withy’, ‘bond’ (for which the DCELC gives binzillu as the Campidanian equivalent), which corresponds to OIt. vinciglia, later vinciglio, Friul. vinseie, Occ. vinciho, venciho, ‘clematis’, and to the masculine forms Béarn. vensilh, bencilh, Cat. vencill, Sp. vencejo, Ptg. vincilho (vencelho). The other word is kiskidza ‘dead twig’from QUISQUILIA, a byform of QUISQUILIAE ‘refuse’ which is the source of the learned It. quisqui(g)lia ‘trifles’ and Sp. quisquilla ‘quibble’. For Rumanian, Meyer-Lübke (Schicks.) quotes Macedo-Rumanian forms which preserve the palatalized l lost in standard Rumanian: kurvaril’e (-ăr-?), frătsil’e, mbugutsil’e. The first two seem to correspond to curvărie ‘prostitution’ and frăŃie 128
129 129 ‘brotherhood’, and the last may be the equivalent of bogăŃie ‘wealth’ (the Mac.-Rum. adjectival form is imbugat = Rum. bogat); if so, this points to -ILIA as being the origin of the productive abstract ending -ie (cf. sărăcie ‘poverty’, veselie ‘gaiety’, bărbăŃie ‘manhood’), perhaps with support from the Greek -ía. In Italian, -iglia has become a collective ending like -aglia, so mondiglia ‘siftings’, OIt. scoviglia ‘sweepings’, from late Latin SCOPILIA(E) formed as QUISQUILIA(E), which is matched by OFr. (Comté) esquevilles, Prov. escobilha/escombrilha, Cat. escobilla/escubia/escombrilles, Sp. escobilla, Ptg. escovilha. MOBILIA ‘movables’ appears as the learned formations mobilia, mobília ‘furniture’ in Italian and Portuguese; Rhaeto-Romance also has learned mobi(g)lia, but besides this the popular muaglia ‘cattle’ (with a sing. muvel) which we looked at previously. An -ILIA form may also underlie Sp. vasija, Ptg. vasilha, for which collective meanings are given beside the basic one of ‘cask’. There are also traces of a similar -ULIA in words like Log. kimudza ‘kindling’, farfarudza ‘crumb’, Log. funduludza, Camp. fundurulla ‘dregs’, It. cespuglio ‘thicket’, rimasuglio ‘residue’, Mil. fregüj ‘crumbs’ (what is the origin of Surs. ratatuglia, Eng. rattatuglia ‘rabble’, Fr. ratatouille?). 12. Adjectival neuters. a) At this point it may be good to continue to look at the old adjectival neuters, which include the forms in -ARIA, -ORIA and -ANEA that I spoke of at the beginning of §11. Three of them, GRANDIA, VIRIDIA and FRONDEA/FRONDIA, we have already examined in §9a,w. Of the others, the most notable is FORTIA, which already appears in the form “per fortiam” in the 8th-century Formulae Senonenses, and has given the words for ‘strength’ in the various languages: It. forza, Friul. fuarze, Rh. forza, Fr. force, Prov. forsa, Cat. força, Sp. fuerza (Moz. força), Ptg. força (Rum. forŃă is a modern borrowing, and Sard. fortsa has been taken from Italian). Another plural from this declension, DULCIA, appears in It.
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1 1 The Latin Neuter Plurals in Rom
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individually. 3 3 Such treatments a
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5 5 stages of the language. (Incide
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7 7 preserved in Italian, such as t
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9 9 ‘well’, CAPILLUM ‘hair’
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etween the 2nd and 4th declensions)
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13 13 changing their declension in
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15 15 Another popular development w
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une formation hybride à cheval sur
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19 19 with acc. pl. LUSTROS, in ins
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21 21 OSSUUM/OSSUORUM/OSSORUM/OSSAR
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23 23 inscription (Bourciez, §218c
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25 25 PRAESTIGIUM, INFAMIUM, BLASPH
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27 27 Ling. Lat., but Nyrop quotes
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29 29 singular in early times), SPI
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31 31 substantia consumitur” (Ita
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33 33 plural (evidence of the early
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35 35 in Chir.) as ‘leaves’? Th
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37 37 loanwords and verbal nouns; i
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39 39 singulars are felt to be the
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41 41 language, producing a situati
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43 43 c) Passing now to French, we
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45 45 separated from braç, as are
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47 47 a modern formation). Old Ital
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49 49 ‘powder horns’, ‘corner
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51 51 also represent Latin -NIA (cf
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53 53 ‘heels’ gives the Rumania
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55 55 böila, Eng. böglia, Surs. b
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57 57 de Dial. Esp., p. 346). But b
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59 59 j) Traces of other old neuter
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61 61 uova, with dial. ove or ovi f
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63 63 ‘kneading-trough’, in the
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65 65 8. Numerals and pronominal ad
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67 67 mil and modern mille (masc.).
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69 69 OFr. nu(l)s, nule, Prov. nuls
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71 71 find the meaning ‘leaf’,
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73 73 in the areas which use -i for
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75 75 c) Let us now look at the sit
Page 77 and 78: 77 77 turn to the dialects to find
Page 79 and 80: 79 79 matching these also ulivo/uli
Page 81 and 82: 81 81 corme), corne (OFr. cornelle)
Page 83 and 84: 83 83 beside cuerno/corgno, prunell
Page 85 and 86: 85 85 cerezal ‘cherry orchard’,
Page 87 and 88: 87 87 ‘holm-oak’ tree, but Arag
Page 89 and 90: 89 89 péšego), with another varie
Page 91 and 92: 91 91 the Piedmontese form la figa
Page 93 and 94: 93 93 assisted by the feminine noun
Page 95 and 96: 95 95 (oak), roveto (bramble), vign
Page 97 and 98: 97 97 r) The position in Catalan is
Page 99 and 100: 99 99 native to the area all right,
Page 101 and 102: 101 101 but the fortuitous similari
Page 103 and 104: 103 103 trufa from French, Ptg. tub
Page 105 and 106: 105 105 Italian plurals in -ora and
Page 107 and 108: 107 107 account for Prov. nos (besi
Page 109 and 110: 109 109 Italian as the Latinism fri
Page 111 and 112: 111 111 Sard. pettorale. PIGNORA is
Page 113 and 114: 113 113 FUNDUS, ARCUS, COLFUS, NODU
Page 115 and 116: 115 115 from a late Greek form kól
Page 117 and 118: 117 117 like cambiora, digiunora, f
Page 119 and 120: 119 119 down by purely popular tran
Page 121 and 122: 121 121 examples I have given above
Page 123 and 124: 123 123 note that -egl- > -agl- is
Page 125 and 126: 125 125 dictionary ascribes the Ita
Page 127: 127 127 with the same meaning. This
Page 131 and 132: 131 131 Vegl. fyasta (the Rum. fest
Page 133 and 134: 133 133 ‘salary’, and in these
Page 135 and 136: 135 135 legenda, Fr. (learned) lég
Page 137 and 138: 137 137 the widespread forms corres
Page 139 and 140: 139 139 morceau, Engl. bit), It. bo
Page 141 and 142: 141 141 languages the first consona
Page 143 and 144: 143 143 spread to the Iberian Penin
Page 145 and 146: 145 145 Rhaeto-Romance. From VINCUL
Page 147 and 148: 147 147 VISCUM ‘mistletoe’. Fro
Page 149 and 150: 149 149 are also forms without clas
Page 151 and 152: 151 151 also lists Rum. par as “n
Page 153 and 154: 153 153 of ACUS ‘needles’, wher
Page 155 and 156: 155 155 become a singular meaning
Page 157 and 158: 157 157 From LINTEA ‘linen cloths
Page 159 and 160: 159 159 esquírola ‘ditto’. Fro
Page 161 and 162: 161 161 Rum. răza is ‘scrape’,
Page 163 and 164: 163 163 combination of meanings; in
Page 165 and 166: 165 165 has at the same time become
Page 167 and 168: 167 167 üj ‘grape’. Similarly
Page 169 and 170: 169 169 feminines; examples are It.
Page 171 and 172: 171 171 feminine noun which has nei
Page 173 and 174: 173 173 Cat. bolla ‘seal on cloth
Page 175 and 176: 175 175 Lat. VENA. Spanish seems to
Page 177 and 178: 177 177 Heidelberg, 1920; Romanisch
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