The Latin Neuter Plurals in Romance - Page ON

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168 ‘hill’ from cresta ‘cock’s comb’, ‘ridge of hills’ (Lat. CRISTA ‘tuft’, ‘plume’), and atsch ‘skein of hemp or flax’ from atscha ‘spun hemp or flax’ (Lat. ACIA ‘thread’, cf. Rum. aŃă ‘ditto’, It. accia (as atscha), OWallon. a(i)che, Gasc. asso ‘skein of hemp or flax’). d) I have also come across four examples that I have not treated up to now, where a -U form had already developed out of a singular -A form in late Latin. These are ORUM from ORA ‘border’ (itself said to have come from ORA ‘mouths’), MATERIUM from MATERIA (for MATERIES) ‘timber’, ‘matter’, CALDARIU, found in the Gl. Kass., for CALDARIA ‘cauldron’ (and cf. CALDARIUM ‘hot bath’), and TELUM for TELA ‘web’ (we also find that COPULUM, beside COPULA ‘tie’, has left reflexes in Gallo-Romance). The first has led to forms like Ven. oro, Calab. urru, Friul. or, Surs., Eng. ur, OFr. or/ur/eur, Prov. or, Sard. oru, beside others developed from ORA, like OFr. ore, Prov., Cat. vora, and a wide range of derivatives such as It. orlo, OVen. orel, V. Ses. orell, OFr. orel, Fr.-Prov. orle, Cat., Sp., Ptg. orla, Sp. orillo and orilla, Ptg. ourelo and ourela, Log., Camp. orulu, Log. oridžu. From the second we have words referring to a single piece of timber, where the reflexes of MATERIA denote collective timber: Tusc. mateo, LEng. mader, Prov. madier, Cat. madis (from a pl. *madirs ?), Sp. madero, Ptg. madeiro. From the third we have the parallel forms It. caldaio, caldaia, Prov. caudier, caudiera, Cat. calder, caldera, Sp. caldero, caldera, Ptg. caldeiro, caldeira, the feminine forms Rum. căldare, Surs. caldera, Eng. chaldera (chüd-), Fr. chaudière, and masc. Sard. (Log.) keddardžu, (Camp.) kardažu, (NCamp.) kaddardžu. From the fourth we have It. telo ‘length of cloth’ beside tela ‘cloth’, so also Friul. tel, tele, Sard. telu, tela, and Cat. tel ‘film’, tela ‘cloth’, like UArag., Murc. telo ‘skin on boiled milk’, tela ‘cloth’. (In the case of the masculine forms corresponding to TEGULA ‘tile’ and referring to various kinds of tile, I suspect that they have no connection with the Latin neuter TEGULUM ‘roofing’ but have been formed later from the corresponding 168
169 169 feminines; examples are It. tegolo, Prov. teule, Sp. tejo, Ptg. telho.) As I suggested in the case of -ORIU and -ORIA, it seems to me likely that parallel forms in -ARIU and -ARIA were created at the Latin stage; so Portuguese has both peneiro and peneira ‘sieve’ from *PINNARIU, -IA × PANN- (so the REW, without giving any gloss or explanation), while PANARIU, -IA ‘bread–basket(s)’ (which I overlooked when preparing the relevent section, see §12b) appear variously as words for ‘basket’ in Surs. paner, panera, Fr. panier, panière (dial.), Occ. paniè, paniero (whence It. paniere, paniera), Cat. paner, panera, Sp. panera, Ptg. paneiro (with n reintroduced), Log. panardza. We have also had occasion to note other parallel masculine and feminine forms in Latin, such as SPICU, SPICA and SPINU, SPINA, which have come down to Romance, sometimes with certain adjustments in their roles (e.g. Ptg. espinho means a ‘thorn’). Other such are SITULU, SITULA ‘bucket’, which have given It. secchio, secchia, V. Gard. sedla, Friul. sele, Fr. seil (Poit.), seille, Prov. selh, selha, Ptg. selha, and late CAPPELLU ‘head covering’, CAPPELLA ‘little cape’, which have given the various words for ‘hat’ and ‘chapel’ (the original sanctuary being devoted to the preservation of the cloak (“cappella”) of St. Martin), together with *BANCU and *BANCA from Germanic, which have given the various words for ‘bench’ and ‘(money)bank’ (with varying distribution of meaning), so It., Sp., Ptg. banco, banca, Surs. baun, banca, UEng. baunch, bauncha, banca, LEng. banc, banca, Fr. banc, banque, Occ. banc, banco, Cat. banc, banca. Another pair, formed independently of each other, is MANICUS (once in a gloss) ‘handle’ and MANICA ‘sleeve’, which are widely found: Rum. mânecă, (but mâner for ‘handle’), It. manico, manica, Surs. moni, mongia, UEng. manch, mangia, LEng. monch, mongia, Fr. manche masc. and fem., Prov. man(e)gue/margue, man(e)ga/marga, Cat. mànec, mànega/màniga, Sp., Ptg. mango, manga, Sard. (Cent.) manika, (Log., Camp.) maniga in both senses, but Sass. mániggu, Gall. mániku for ‘handle’.
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1 1 The Latin Neuter Plurals in Rom
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individually. 3 3 Such treatments a
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5 5 stages of the language. (Incide
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7 7 preserved in Italian, such as t
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9 9 ‘well’, CAPILLUM ‘hair’
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etween the 2nd and 4th declensions)
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13 13 changing their declension in
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15 15 Another popular development w
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une formation hybride à cheval sur
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19 19 with acc. pl. LUSTROS, in ins
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21 21 OSSUUM/OSSUORUM/OSSORUM/OSSAR
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23 23 inscription (Bourciez, §218c
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25 25 PRAESTIGIUM, INFAMIUM, BLASPH
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27 27 Ling. Lat., but Nyrop quotes
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29 29 singular in early times), SPI
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31 31 substantia consumitur” (Ita
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33 33 plural (evidence of the early
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35 35 in Chir.) as ‘leaves’? Th
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37 37 loanwords and verbal nouns; i
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39 39 singulars are felt to be the
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41 41 language, producing a situati
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43 43 c) Passing now to French, we
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45 45 separated from braç, as are
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47 47 a modern formation). Old Ital
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49 49 ‘powder horns’, ‘corner
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51 51 also represent Latin -NIA (cf
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53 53 ‘heels’ gives the Rumania
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55 55 böila, Eng. böglia, Surs. b
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57 57 de Dial. Esp., p. 346). But b
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59 59 j) Traces of other old neuter
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61 61 uova, with dial. ove or ovi f
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63 63 ‘kneading-trough’, in the
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65 65 8. Numerals and pronominal ad
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67 67 mil and modern mille (masc.).
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69 69 OFr. nu(l)s, nule, Prov. nuls
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71 71 find the meaning ‘leaf’,
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73 73 in the areas which use -i for
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75 75 c) Let us now look at the sit
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77 77 turn to the dialects to find
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79 79 matching these also ulivo/uli
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81 81 corme), corne (OFr. cornelle)
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83 83 beside cuerno/corgno, prunell
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85 85 cerezal ‘cherry orchard’,
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87 87 ‘holm-oak’ tree, but Arag
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89 89 péšego), with another varie
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91 91 the Piedmontese form la figa
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93 93 assisted by the feminine noun
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95 95 (oak), roveto (bramble), vign
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97 97 r) The position in Catalan is
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99 99 native to the area all right,
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101 101 but the fortuitous similari
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103 103 trufa from French, Ptg. tub
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105 105 Italian plurals in -ora and
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107 107 account for Prov. nos (besi
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109 109 Italian as the Latinism fri
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111 111 Sard. pettorale. PIGNORA is
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113 113 FUNDUS, ARCUS, COLFUS, NODU
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115 115 from a late Greek form kól
Page 117 and 118: 117 117 like cambiora, digiunora, f
Page 119 and 120: 119 119 down by purely popular tran
Page 121 and 122: 121 121 examples I have given above
Page 123 and 124: 123 123 note that -egl- > -agl- is
Page 125 and 126: 125 125 dictionary ascribes the Ita
Page 127 and 128: 127 127 with the same meaning. This
Page 129 and 130: 129 129 ‘brotherhood’, and the
Page 131 and 132: 131 131 Vegl. fyasta (the Rum. fest
Page 133 and 134: 133 133 ‘salary’, and in these
Page 135 and 136: 135 135 legenda, Fr. (learned) lég
Page 137 and 138: 137 137 the widespread forms corres
Page 139 and 140: 139 139 morceau, Engl. bit), It. bo
Page 141 and 142: 141 141 languages the first consona
Page 143 and 144: 143 143 spread to the Iberian Penin
Page 145 and 146: 145 145 Rhaeto-Romance. From VINCUL
Page 147 and 148: 147 147 VISCUM ‘mistletoe’. Fro
Page 149 and 150: 149 149 are also forms without clas
Page 151 and 152: 151 151 also lists Rum. par as “n
Page 153 and 154: 153 153 of ACUS ‘needles’, wher
Page 155 and 156: 155 155 become a singular meaning
Page 157 and 158: 157 157 From LINTEA ‘linen cloths
Page 159 and 160: 159 159 esquírola ‘ditto’. Fro
Page 161 and 162: 161 161 Rum. răza is ‘scrape’,
Page 163 and 164: 163 163 combination of meanings; in
Page 165 and 166: 165 165 has at the same time become
Page 167: 167 167 üj ‘grape’. Similarly
Page 171 and 172: 171 171 feminine noun which has nei
Page 173 and 174: 173 173 Cat. bolla ‘seal on cloth
Page 175 and 176: 175 175 Lat. VENA. Spanish seems to
Page 177 and 178: 177 177 Heidelberg, 1920; Romanisch
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