The Latin Neuter Plurals in Romance - Page ON

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148 d) On the other hand, various forms are preserved in Italy and elsewhere which are not found in Rumanian. Thus from DONA ‘gifts’ we have OIt. pl. donora ‘betrothal gifts’ beside the sings. OFr. do(u)ne, Prov., OSp. dona, OPtg. doa ‘ditto’. Similarly from PODIA ‘platforms’, ‘balconies’ (Lombard Latin poiora) we get popular Tuscan i poggia ‘hillocks’, with the same masculine article as seen earlier in Dante’s i capella; elsewhere we have the sings. Cent. Rh. (Bergün) puozza ‘prop’ (Wart.), OFr. puie ‘parapet’, ‘balcony’, Occ. poujo ‘waste land crossed by a road’ (in the case of Cat. forn de puja, Sp. horno de poya, Ptg. forno de poia ‘public oven’ the words in question are apparently deverbals, though the Michaelis dictionary defines poia as ‘large flat loaf’, ‘cowpat’). Other Italian forms with the article i are popular Tuscan i becia ‘kisses’ (so Rohlfs, §368; a misprint for bacia ?), and i regna ‘kingdoms’ (an ORom. regnora is also found for this word), i dimonia ‘demons’, i peccata ‘sins’, i miglaia ‘thousands’, i vestimenta ‘clothes’ (Schicks.); such forms may have given impetus to the tendency to create plural forms in -a for masculine nouns that we looked at in §5c. From BALNEA ‘baths’ come OIt. pl. bagnora ‘baths’ and NIt. sing. bagna ‘sauce’, bagna cauda ‘a kind of hot savoury’ (the Rum. baie ‘baths’ has come via Slavonic); seemingly related words are Occ. Bagno (the name of a river), Sp. baña ‘pond for mountain animals to bathe in’ (a deverbal?), Ptg. banha ‘lard’ (Sard. baña ‘sauce’ is from Italian). An old pl. gaiora from the Abruzzi (Mon., No. 171) is equated by Monaci with GAUDIA ‘joys’, where standard Italian has the singular form gioia taken from the Fr. sing. joie; however, this word is in rhyme with lenguaiora ‘languages’, and from the same central region comes a similar old coraiora ‘hearts’ from coraggio (the context is unclear to me), so I woder if gaiora is not in fact the plural of gaggio ‘pledge’. Other isolated Italian forms are OMil. spudha ‘spittings’ from SPUTA (a similar li sputi is found in another piece), old t(u)orla ‘yolks’ from TORULA, old suola ‘pieces of ground’ from SOLA, SIt. gigghia ‘lilies’ from LILIA (another plant name that I missed); there 148
149 149 are also forms without classical originals, fora (in Dante) ‘wounds’ (apparently a deverbal from FORARE ‘pierce’), old fastella ‘bundles’ from *FASCELLA, and old quadrella and quadrelle ‘quarrels (arrows)’, ‘square tiles’ from *QUADRELLA, cf. the singulars Occ. cairello ‘arrow’, Sp. cuadrilla, OPtg. quadrella ‘squadron of soldiers’, ‘quadrille’. From FLAGELLA ‘whips’, with the similar suffix -ELLA, has come OIt. flagella, paralleled by Sard. frogedda(s) ‘flexible twig(s) for making baskets’. There are also certain old plural forms in -e for nouns in -o which go back to Greek neuters, such as idole ‘idols’ (cf. the fem. sings. Fr. idole, OSp. idola) and vangel(i)e/guagnele/guagielie ‘gospels’. And while I am on the subject of isolated forms let me mention the Sard. (Log.) mundza ‘toil’, (Camp.) mundža ‘housework’ from MUNIA ‘civic duties’, though these, as feminine singulars, belong properly in the next section. d) Besides these forms from classical Latin neuters there are also a number coming from old masculines which adopted neuter forms in late Latin; many of these have already been dealt with in earlier sections, but some remain. Thus from late FUSA ‘spindles’ come the plurals Rum. fuse, fusuri and old and dialectal It. fusa, dial. fuse, fusəra, fusuri, the collective singulars Surs. fisa, Cent. Rh. foisa, feisa ‘vanes of a mandrel (spindle)’, and the individual singulars old and dialectal Fr. fuse ‘axle’, Occ. fuso, and from *ANELLA ‘rings’ (cf. “hoc anulum” in Plautus) Rum. pl. inele ‘rings’, It. collective pl. anella, formerly ‘rings’ now ‘curls’, dial. anelle (old) and anelləra, flanked by the sings. Surs. niala ‘curl’, Occ. anello ‘large ring’, Cat. anella ‘link’, Sp. anilla ‘ditto’, Sard. anedda (so Hall, but the DES gives aneddu or anella, anel’a from Cat.); Portuguese is not represented, as it uses the indigenous elo for ‘link’, having the loanword anel for ‘ring’. In its plural function Latin PUTEA ‘wells’ has given way to -ORA forms in Rum. puŃuri, SIt. pozzərə, puzzuri, but it is preserved as a singular in It. pozza, Friul. poze, Sp. poza, Ptg. poça ‘puddle’,
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1 1 The Latin Neuter Plurals in Rom
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individually. 3 3 Such treatments a
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5 5 stages of the language. (Incide
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7 7 preserved in Italian, such as t
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9 9 ‘well’, CAPILLUM ‘hair’
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etween the 2nd and 4th declensions)
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13 13 changing their declension in
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15 15 Another popular development w
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une formation hybride à cheval sur
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19 19 with acc. pl. LUSTROS, in ins
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21 21 OSSUUM/OSSUORUM/OSSORUM/OSSAR
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23 23 inscription (Bourciez, §218c
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25 25 PRAESTIGIUM, INFAMIUM, BLASPH
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27 27 Ling. Lat., but Nyrop quotes
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29 29 singular in early times), SPI
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31 31 substantia consumitur” (Ita
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33 33 plural (evidence of the early
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35 35 in Chir.) as ‘leaves’? Th
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37 37 loanwords and verbal nouns; i
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39 39 singulars are felt to be the
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41 41 language, producing a situati
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43 43 c) Passing now to French, we
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45 45 separated from braç, as are
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47 47 a modern formation). Old Ital
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49 49 ‘powder horns’, ‘corner
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51 51 also represent Latin -NIA (cf
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53 53 ‘heels’ gives the Rumania
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55 55 böila, Eng. böglia, Surs. b
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57 57 de Dial. Esp., p. 346). But b
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59 59 j) Traces of other old neuter
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61 61 uova, with dial. ove or ovi f
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63 63 ‘kneading-trough’, in the
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65 65 8. Numerals and pronominal ad
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67 67 mil and modern mille (masc.).
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69 69 OFr. nu(l)s, nule, Prov. nuls
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71 71 find the meaning ‘leaf’,
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73 73 in the areas which use -i for
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75 75 c) Let us now look at the sit
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77 77 turn to the dialects to find
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79 79 matching these also ulivo/uli
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81 81 corme), corne (OFr. cornelle)
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83 83 beside cuerno/corgno, prunell
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85 85 cerezal ‘cherry orchard’,
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87 87 ‘holm-oak’ tree, but Arag
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89 89 péšego), with another varie
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91 91 the Piedmontese form la figa
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93 93 assisted by the feminine noun
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95 95 (oak), roveto (bramble), vign
Page 97 and 98: 97 97 r) The position in Catalan is
Page 99 and 100: 99 99 native to the area all right,
Page 101 and 102: 101 101 but the fortuitous similari
Page 103 and 104: 103 103 trufa from French, Ptg. tub
Page 105 and 106: 105 105 Italian plurals in -ora and
Page 107 and 108: 107 107 account for Prov. nos (besi
Page 109 and 110: 109 109 Italian as the Latinism fri
Page 111 and 112: 111 111 Sard. pettorale. PIGNORA is
Page 113 and 114: 113 113 FUNDUS, ARCUS, COLFUS, NODU
Page 115 and 116: 115 115 from a late Greek form kól
Page 117 and 118: 117 117 like cambiora, digiunora, f
Page 119 and 120: 119 119 down by purely popular tran
Page 121 and 122: 121 121 examples I have given above
Page 123 and 124: 123 123 note that -egl- > -agl- is
Page 125 and 126: 125 125 dictionary ascribes the Ita
Page 127 and 128: 127 127 with the same meaning. This
Page 129 and 130: 129 129 ‘brotherhood’, and the
Page 131 and 132: 131 131 Vegl. fyasta (the Rum. fest
Page 133 and 134: 133 133 ‘salary’, and in these
Page 135 and 136: 135 135 legenda, Fr. (learned) lég
Page 137 and 138: 137 137 the widespread forms corres
Page 139 and 140: 139 139 morceau, Engl. bit), It. bo
Page 141 and 142: 141 141 languages the first consona
Page 143 and 144: 143 143 spread to the Iberian Penin
Page 145 and 146: 145 145 Rhaeto-Romance. From VINCUL
Page 147: 147 147 VISCUM ‘mistletoe’. Fro
Page 151 and 152: 151 151 also lists Rum. par as “n
Page 153 and 154: 153 153 of ACUS ‘needles’, wher
Page 155 and 156: 155 155 become a singular meaning
Page 157 and 158: 157 157 From LINTEA ‘linen cloths
Page 159 and 160: 159 159 esquírola ‘ditto’. Fro
Page 161 and 162: 161 161 Rum. răza is ‘scrape’,
Page 163 and 164: 163 163 combination of meanings; in
Page 165 and 166: 165 165 has at the same time become
Page 167 and 168: 167 167 üj ‘grape’. Similarly
Page 169 and 170: 169 169 feminines; examples are It.
Page 171 and 172: 171 171 feminine noun which has nei
Page 173 and 174: 173 173 Cat. bolla ‘seal on cloth
Page 175 and 176: 175 175 Lat. VENA. Spanish seems to
Page 177 and 178: 177 177 Heidelberg, 1920; Romanisch
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