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The Latin Neuter Plurals in Romance - Page ON

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169<br />

169<br />

fem<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>es; examples are It. tegolo, Prov. teule, Sp. tejo, Ptg. telho.)<br />

As I suggested <strong>in</strong> the case of -ORIU and -ORIA, it seems to me likely that<br />

parallel forms <strong>in</strong> -ARIU and -ARIA were created at the <strong>Lat<strong>in</strong></strong> stage; so Portuguese<br />

has both peneiro and peneira ‘sieve’ from *PINNARIU, -IA × PANN- (so the<br />

REW, without giv<strong>in</strong>g any gloss or explanation), while PANARIU, -IA<br />

‘bread–basket(s)’ (which I overlooked when prepar<strong>in</strong>g the relevent section, see<br />

§12b) appear variously as words for ‘basket’ <strong>in</strong> Surs. paner, panera, Fr. panier,<br />

panière (dial.), Occ. paniè, paniero (whence It. paniere, paniera), Cat. paner,<br />

panera, Sp. panera, Ptg. paneiro (with n re<strong>in</strong>troduced), Log. panardza. We have<br />

also had occasion to note other parallel mascul<strong>in</strong>e and fem<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>e forms <strong>in</strong> <strong>Lat<strong>in</strong></strong>,<br />

such as SPICU, SPICA and SPINU, SPINA, which have come down to <strong>Romance</strong>,<br />

sometimes with certa<strong>in</strong> adjustments <strong>in</strong> their roles (e.g. Ptg. esp<strong>in</strong>ho means a<br />

‘thorn’). Other such are SITULU, SITULA ‘bucket’, which have given It. secchio,<br />

secchia, V. Gard. sedla, Friul. sele, Fr. seil (Poit.), seille, Prov. selh, selha, Ptg.<br />

selha, and late CAPPELLU ‘head cover<strong>in</strong>g’, CAPPELLA ‘little cape’, which have<br />

given the various words for ‘hat’ and ‘chapel’ (the orig<strong>in</strong>al sanctuary be<strong>in</strong>g<br />

devoted to the preservation of the cloak (“cappella”) of St. Mart<strong>in</strong>), together<br />

with *BANCU and *BANCA from Germanic, which have given the various words<br />

for ‘bench’ and ‘(money)bank’ (with vary<strong>in</strong>g distribution of mean<strong>in</strong>g), so It.,<br />

Sp., Ptg. banco, banca, Surs. baun, banca, UEng. baunch, bauncha, banca,<br />

LEng. banc, banca, Fr. banc, banque, Occ. banc, banco, Cat. banc, banca.<br />

Another pair, formed <strong>in</strong>dependently of each other, is MANICUS (once <strong>in</strong> a gloss)<br />

‘handle’ and MANICA ‘sleeve’, which are widely found: Rum. mânecă, (but<br />

mâner for ‘handle’), It. manico, manica, Surs. moni, mongia, UEng. manch,<br />

mangia, LEng. monch, mongia, Fr. manche masc. and fem., Prov.<br />

man(e)gue/margue, man(e)ga/marga, Cat. mànec, mànega/màniga, Sp., Ptg.<br />

mango, manga, Sard. (Cent.) manika, (Log., Camp.) maniga <strong>in</strong> both senses, but<br />

Sass. mániggu, Gall. mániku for ‘handle’.

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