The Latin Neuter Plurals in Romance - Page ON

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118 Meyer-Lübke (Schicks., pp. 52-53) gives examples of its extension in Istro-Rumanian, where it would seem that -e and -i have fallen together, to masculine nouns denoting animate beings (apparently keeping masculine concord) alongside forms in -i, this being the case with amic, frate, porc, preot. The last development to be noted is that of new singulars formed from the plural stem; here we have already observed Rum. lature, Ńărmure, ramură and armur(e), while Italian has, besides the plural forms used as singulars, such as pecora, dial. ficora, acura, new singular forms such as Calab. amuru ‘hook’ from amora, tripuru, grubbaru ‘hole’ from tripura, grubbura, and Moden. logher, Ancon. nodero, Romagn. egur from locora, nodora, acora. All in all, we can say that the -ORA ending has enjoyed a wide lexical extension within a limited geographical area, becoming a rival to -i and -e in Rumanian, where it almost constitutes a new neuter gender, and being used as an alternative masculine ending in southern Italian dialects. That its extension beyond its original territory goes back to common Romance times is shown first by the creation of new neuter nouns in -US, -ORA in late Latin, and secondly by the agreement between Lombard Latin and Rumanian over a certain core of new formations such as campora, ventora, câmpuri, vânturi. Not much can be learnt from the Western Romance languages, which only have scant traces of -ORA forms used as singulars or of derivatives based on the extended stem containing -R-, including derivatives of those words which joined the -US, -ORA type in late Latin. 11. Neuters in -MENTA, -ALIA etc. a) Having looked at -ORA, this would seem to be a good point at which we may examine other neuters which can be classified according to their formation, namely those formed with collective morphemes such as -MENTA, -ALIA, -ILIA, -ARIA, -ORIA, -ANEA (of which the reflexes have not always come 118
119 119 down by purely popular transmission). Of these, the first type accords closely with our primary pattern, being preserved as a plural in Rumanian and partly so in Italian, and being used as a collective singular elsewhere. I have only found one case where the forms are found across the board — VESTIMENTA ‘clothing’: Rum. pl. veş(t)minte, It. le vestimenta, dial. vestimente, with Pied. vestimanta as a singular, Rh. (Eng.) vestimainta, now a collective singular but formerly with plural concord (“la vestimainta sun cuvertas da la tridezza”, see §6b), elsewhere the collectives OFr. vestemente, Prov., Cat., Ptg. vestimenta, OSp. vestimienta (now vestimenta with adaptation to the Latin form), Sard. bestimenta. The lack of syncope of the -I- in the French and other forms points to a learned origin, at least in part, and this may also be the case in other words with this formation. Another word, apparently not represented in Rumanian, is FERRAMENTA ‘ironwork’: It. le ferramenta ‘ironware’, Eng. fierramainta, Surs. ferramenta (these two rivalled by ferradüra, ferradira from the fem. *FERRATURA), OFr. ferremente, Prov., Cat., Ptg., Sard. ferramenta, Sp. herramienta ‘tools’, ‘ironwork’. Another word widely found is *OSSAMENTA ‘bones’: Rum. pl. oseminte, OFr. ossemente, Prov., Cat., Ptg., Sard. ossamenta, Sp. learned osamenta beside osambre (this from *OSSAMEN, which has given It. ossame, Eng., Surs. ossam; another rival form is *OSSATURA, It. ossatura, Eng. ossadüra, Surs. ossadira). TORMENTA ‘instruments of torture’, perhaps by poetical transmission, has become the word for ‘storm’, It., Prov., Cat., Sp., Ptg. tormenta, Fr. tourmente (but NIt. turmanta ‘trouble’). CALCIAMENTA ‘footwear’ has given Rum. încălŃăminte (a collective feminine singular, like îmbrăcăminte ‘clothing’, formed from îmbrăca, cognate with It. imbracare, Fr. embrayer, Sp. embragar ‘truss’, ‘sling’, all based on a Gaulish root), Surs. calzamenta, Eng. chüzzamainta, OFr. chaucemente, Prov. caussamenta (cf. OIt. calciamento, OCat. calçament from the singular). From FUNDAMENTA ‘foundations’ we have the It. pl. fondamenta (singular in Ven., for ‘a paved street alongside a canal’), Eng. fundamainta, Prov. fondamenta, OSp. fondamienta (like the old
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1 1 The Latin Neuter Plurals in Rom
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individually. 3 3 Such treatments a
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5 5 stages of the language. (Incide
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7 7 preserved in Italian, such as t
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9 9 ‘well’, CAPILLUM ‘hair’
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etween the 2nd and 4th declensions)
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13 13 changing their declension in
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15 15 Another popular development w
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une formation hybride à cheval sur
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19 19 with acc. pl. LUSTROS, in ins
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21 21 OSSUUM/OSSUORUM/OSSORUM/OSSAR
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23 23 inscription (Bourciez, §218c
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25 25 PRAESTIGIUM, INFAMIUM, BLASPH
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27 27 Ling. Lat., but Nyrop quotes
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29 29 singular in early times), SPI
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31 31 substantia consumitur” (Ita
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33 33 plural (evidence of the early
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35 35 in Chir.) as ‘leaves’? Th
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37 37 loanwords and verbal nouns; i
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39 39 singulars are felt to be the
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41 41 language, producing a situati
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43 43 c) Passing now to French, we
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45 45 separated from braç, as are
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47 47 a modern formation). Old Ital
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49 49 ‘powder horns’, ‘corner
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51 51 also represent Latin -NIA (cf
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53 53 ‘heels’ gives the Rumania
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55 55 böila, Eng. böglia, Surs. b
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57 57 de Dial. Esp., p. 346). But b
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59 59 j) Traces of other old neuter
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61 61 uova, with dial. ove or ovi f
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63 63 ‘kneading-trough’, in the
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65 65 8. Numerals and pronominal ad
Page 67 and 68: 67 67 mil and modern mille (masc.).
Page 69 and 70: 69 69 OFr. nu(l)s, nule, Prov. nuls
Page 71 and 72: 71 71 find the meaning ‘leaf’,
Page 73 and 74: 73 73 in the areas which use -i for
Page 75 and 76: 75 75 c) Let us now look at the sit
Page 77 and 78: 77 77 turn to the dialects to find
Page 79 and 80: 79 79 matching these also ulivo/uli
Page 81 and 82: 81 81 corme), corne (OFr. cornelle)
Page 83 and 84: 83 83 beside cuerno/corgno, prunell
Page 85 and 86: 85 85 cerezal ‘cherry orchard’,
Page 87 and 88: 87 87 ‘holm-oak’ tree, but Arag
Page 89 and 90: 89 89 péšego), with another varie
Page 91 and 92: 91 91 the Piedmontese form la figa
Page 93 and 94: 93 93 assisted by the feminine noun
Page 95 and 96: 95 95 (oak), roveto (bramble), vign
Page 97 and 98: 97 97 r) The position in Catalan is
Page 99 and 100: 99 99 native to the area all right,
Page 101 and 102: 101 101 but the fortuitous similari
Page 103 and 104: 103 103 trufa from French, Ptg. tub
Page 105 and 106: 105 105 Italian plurals in -ora and
Page 107 and 108: 107 107 account for Prov. nos (besi
Page 109 and 110: 109 109 Italian as the Latinism fri
Page 111 and 112: 111 111 Sard. pettorale. PIGNORA is
Page 113 and 114: 113 113 FUNDUS, ARCUS, COLFUS, NODU
Page 115 and 116: 115 115 from a late Greek form kól
Page 117: 117 117 like cambiora, digiunora, f
Page 121 and 122: 121 121 examples I have given above
Page 123 and 124: 123 123 note that -egl- > -agl- is
Page 125 and 126: 125 125 dictionary ascribes the Ita
Page 127 and 128: 127 127 with the same meaning. This
Page 129 and 130: 129 129 ‘brotherhood’, and the
Page 131 and 132: 131 131 Vegl. fyasta (the Rum. fest
Page 133 and 134: 133 133 ‘salary’, and in these
Page 135 and 136: 135 135 legenda, Fr. (learned) lég
Page 137 and 138: 137 137 the widespread forms corres
Page 139 and 140: 139 139 morceau, Engl. bit), It. bo
Page 141 and 142: 141 141 languages the first consona
Page 143 and 144: 143 143 spread to the Iberian Penin
Page 145 and 146: 145 145 Rhaeto-Romance. From VINCUL
Page 147 and 148: 147 147 VISCUM ‘mistletoe’. Fro
Page 149 and 150: 149 149 are also forms without clas
Page 151 and 152: 151 151 also lists Rum. par as “n
Page 153 and 154: 153 153 of ACUS ‘needles’, wher
Page 155 and 156: 155 155 become a singular meaning
Page 157 and 158: 157 157 From LINTEA ‘linen cloths
Page 159 and 160: 159 159 esquírola ‘ditto’. Fro
Page 161 and 162: 161 161 Rum. răza is ‘scrape’,
Page 163 and 164: 163 163 combination of meanings; in
Page 165 and 166: 165 165 has at the same time become
Page 167 and 168: 167 167 üj ‘grape’. Similarly
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169 169 feminines; examples are It.
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171 171 feminine noun which has nei
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173 173 Cat. bolla ‘seal on cloth
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175 175 Lat. VENA. Spanish seems to
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177 177 Heidelberg, 1920; Romanisch
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