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The Latin Neuter Plurals in Romance - Page ON

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similarly NCalab. stillu, while a dist<strong>in</strong>ction <strong>in</strong> size underlies Cat. estel/dial.<br />

estrel beside estrella/OCat. estela, rarely estella, and Sard. isteddu as aga<strong>in</strong>st<br />

istedda. From SPINULA ‘little thorn’, later ‘p<strong>in</strong>’, It. spillo ‘p<strong>in</strong>’ beside spilla<br />

‘brooch’, ‘tie-p<strong>in</strong>’ has a parallel <strong>in</strong> Camp. sp<strong>in</strong>dulu. Some formations are purely<br />

Italian, thus campano ‘cow-bell’ beside campana ‘bell’, buco ‘small hole’<br />

beside buca ‘hole’, pezzo ‘piece’, ‘fragment’ with a different range of mean<strong>in</strong>g<br />

from pezza (perhaps fulfill<strong>in</strong>g the function of Sp. pedazo, Ptg. pedaço, which<br />

have no counterpart <strong>in</strong> standard Italian but only <strong>in</strong> southern forms like Calab.,<br />

Sic. pit(t)azzu, Neap. pətaccia), masso ‘boulder’, specialized from massa ‘mass<br />

(of rock)’ <strong>in</strong> a unitary sense, mestolo ‘wooden cook<strong>in</strong>g-spoon’, smaller than<br />

mestola ‘ladle’, ragno ‘spider’, created because ragna has come to mean<br />

‘spider’s web’, scalo ‘port of call’, differentiated from scala ‘stair’, ‘ladder’,<br />

where Spanish and Portuguese use escala for both, gambo ‘stalk’, ‘shank’<br />

beside gamba ‘leg’; for other formations see Rohlfs, §386. Certa<strong>in</strong> words for<br />

‘rock’, Fr. roc, roche, Prov., Cat. roc, roca (differentiated <strong>in</strong>to unitary and<br />

collective <strong>in</strong> Catalan), of unknown derivation, are said to have orig<strong>in</strong>ated <strong>in</strong> this<br />

Gallo-<strong>Romance</strong> region and spread out from there, giv<strong>in</strong>g It. rocca (also found<br />

<strong>in</strong> Logudorian), roccia, Sp. roca, Ptg. roca, rocha. Spanish and Portuguese have<br />

<strong>in</strong> common bolso ‘purse’, bôlso ‘pocket’ beside bolsa, bôlsa ‘purse’, from late<br />

<strong>Lat<strong>in</strong></strong> BURSA, taken from Greek býrsa ‘leather bag’; here Sursilvan has the<br />

correspond<strong>in</strong>g pairs buors ‘shoulder-bag’, buorsa ‘purse’. Similarly Spanish<br />

and Portuguese have mosco, môsco ‘mosquito’ formed from mosca, môsca ‘fly’,<br />

<strong>Lat<strong>in</strong></strong> MUSCA. Aga<strong>in</strong>, the two languages have zapato, sapato ‘shoe’ from zapata,<br />

sapata ‘laced boot’, correspond<strong>in</strong>g to It. ciabatta ‘mule (slipper)’, ‘old shoe’, Fr.<br />

savate, Occ. sabato ‘ditto’, Cat. sabata ‘shoe’, from Turkish çabata ‘k<strong>in</strong>d of<br />

shoe’ (cf. Rum. ciobotă); other mascul<strong>in</strong>e forms are Trent. ciavat ‘toad’ and<br />

Surs. tschavat, Eng. tschavatt ‘bungler’, ‘sloven’ (correspond<strong>in</strong>g to It.<br />

ciabattone) beside Eng. tschavatta ‘mule (slipper)’. Portuguese is alone <strong>in</strong><br />

hav<strong>in</strong>g veio ‘ve<strong>in</strong> (of ore, <strong>in</strong> marble)’, ‘gra<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong> wood’, created from veia ‘ve<strong>in</strong>’,<br />

174

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