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INSIDE THE GURU'S GATE - Anpere

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y which they can re-invoke the contexts of which these objects once were a part. 222<br />

Objects become the material aspects of a collective memory. The ways in which material<br />

things are intentionally ordered within demarcated spaces are social definitions<br />

that instruct people on what and how they should remember and invite them to engage<br />

with these objects in special ways, often through ritualized practices that aim to<br />

ensure unbroken relationships with the past. To identify, re-arrange and engage with<br />

these objects can be looked upon as strategies through which Sikhs commemorate<br />

and establish a continuing presence of the historical human Gurus.<br />

RELICS AND SEATS OF <strong>THE</strong> GURUS<br />

Like many other historical Sikh shrines, the gurdwaras in Varanasi accommodate<br />

religious “things” that can be divided into two broad categories: historical relics that<br />

claim the status of being corporeal belongings of the human Gurus and memorable<br />

artifacts that are manmade in modern times, such oil-paintings and framed bazaar<br />

posters portraying the Gurus, martyrs, pilgrimage sites and significant events in Sikh<br />

history. The former category of relics includes clothes and letters of the Gurus, that is,<br />

objects charged with sacred status because they have been in physical contact with<br />

the Sikh Gurus, but also particular geographical sites that are held to be asan ‒ the<br />

“seat” of Guru Nanak and Tegh Bahadur during their visits in Varanasi. The Sanskrit<br />

noun asan bears several connotations; in general the term signifies a seat, and more<br />

particularly the seat of an ascetic, a yoga posture, or even the mat to sit on in<br />

prayers. 223 The word indicates a space of spiritual power and authority.<br />

The local narrative recounts how the Gurus occupied physical sites in Varanasi,<br />

at which they sat down, and marked out their “seats” by entering into meditative<br />

states: Guru Nanak more spontaneously when he reached the city and gazed the<br />

beautiful garden, and Guru Tegh Bahadur in his daily routines of meditation. By<br />

assuming sitting postures for meditation the Gurus identified spaces of their authoritative<br />

presences, which came to be locative and spatial deictics of sanctity. Due to<br />

these occurrences, the devotees who owned the grounds on which the seats were<br />

sited – a garden and a room ‒ could no longer keep their property under private<br />

ownership, but transferred it to the Gurus. 224 Accordingly, when the Gurus left Varanasi<br />

their presences were established at particular sites in the city that would come to<br />

function as religious meeting places for followers.<br />

When the Sikh community, in the end of the 1960s, decided to construct a new<br />

gurdwara hall in Gurubagh a major challenge of the building plan was to determine<br />

the exact location of Guru Nanak’s seat. It was considered crucial to specify this spot<br />

since the Guru Granth Sahib was to be installed on the same seat. The existing shrine<br />

in the garden, built by Nirmala sants at some point in time, was of some guiding<br />

222<br />

Radley 1990: 54.<br />

223<br />

McGregor 1997: 97.<br />

224<br />

In the twentieth century the Gurus’ were registered as legal proprietors of the gurdwara in<br />

official records. See the first section of this chapter.<br />

98<br />

Published on www.anpere.net in May 2008

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