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INSIDE THE GURU'S GATE - Anpere

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lieved to make his performances more effective. When I asked an elderly Sikh man<br />

about the reason for committing readings of the Ardas to the granthi, he replied:<br />

Any person can do Ardas, but we get it done by the Granthi because he<br />

is the minister (vazir) of Guru Granth Sahib ji. When Ardas is done by<br />

Granthi ji it is more important. He takes care of Guru Granth Sahib ji<br />

and he is doing readings of bani. He is much more pure (shuddh). His<br />

Ardas is listened to quickly.<br />

Far from all Sikhs would agree with this statement and promptly claim that any person<br />

performing prayers and recitations from a sincere heart will undoubtedly achieve<br />

the same results as those who rely on the granthi. No intermediaries are required for<br />

establishing devotional links to the Guru and God. But it still remains that people do<br />

depend on the granthi for prayers because he knows the sacred texts and the proper<br />

ritual conducts, which together with his moral and spiritual disposition make his<br />

readings more shuddh ‒ correct and pure.<br />

2.4. <strong>THE</strong> LIFE OF GURU GRANTH SAHIB<br />

In the Sikh community today there are a set of ceremonies that aim to mark the integration<br />

and separation of Guru Granth Sahib in the socio-religious life of human<br />

disciples. Traditionally scholars in anthropology and religious studies have used the<br />

analytical typology “life-cycle rites” for ritual activities linked to biological or social<br />

transfers in the order of human life, however have not extended the term to encompass<br />

ritually marked passages in the “life” of objects that are attributed sacred status<br />

and even perceived and treated as animated things. 377 Considering the ways in which<br />

adherents of various religious traditions handle their sacred texts with the outmost<br />

care, scholars have paid surprisingly little attention to the ritual procedures by which<br />

religious people ascribe new or renovated texts with social agency and enliven them<br />

within the community of humans, or how they give obsolete texts a symbolic treatment<br />

similar to an honored guest or family member. Ethnographic notes from different<br />

parts of the world seem to suggest that rituals of consecration and the disposal of<br />

sacred texts ‒ handwritten and printed ‒ are a crucial aspect of the religious life of<br />

people. The design of the rituals directed towards texts will display cultural and<br />

historical variations that are dependent on local conceptions of the texts, accessibility<br />

of copies, attitudes towards the activity of writing, print technology, and now the<br />

existence of virtual publications on the Internet. 378 In a South Asian context, for in-<br />

377<br />

For introductory overview of studies on life-cycle rites, consult Bell 1997: 94 ‒ 102.<br />

378<br />

In the Abrahamic religions, the ritual disposal of manuscripts appears to be a major concern.<br />

If the Jewish people in ancient times destroyed or hid damaged handwritten manuscripts to<br />

avoid faults in readings, contemporary Jews would most probably bury an aged Torah scroll in<br />

a separate grave at the cemetery. Many Muslims on the Indian subcontinent dispose of outworn<br />

203<br />

Published on www.anpere.net in May 2008

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