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INSIDE THE GURU'S GATE - Anpere

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In situations of need many local Sikhs pragmatically resort to a variety of sacred<br />

sources and agents who operate within what anthropologists uncritically or more<br />

reluctantly have termed “folk” or “popular” religion. Many of my interlocutors<br />

pointed out that consulting healers, astrologers, and other religious specialists was<br />

not a part of Sikh tradition and expressed scepticism about the various healing cults<br />

flourishing in a Hindu centre like Varanasi. When illness, barrenness or existential<br />

dilemmas create hopeless and oppressive situations, many will still resort to popular<br />

traditions to seek pragmatic results and do not necessarily perceive this step to be<br />

challenging to their religious identity as Sikhs. In attempts to manipulate the reality<br />

to their advantage, people will combine religious practices they consider to be compliant<br />

with a Sikh way of life with healing therapies and rituals services provided by<br />

their Hindu or Muslim neighbors. When the father of a Sikh family was diagnosed<br />

with a kidney stone and underwent a surgical operation in the hospital, for instance,<br />

the family arranged an Akhand path in the gurdwara. At the same time they organized<br />

a week-long repetition (jap) of mantras at the Mahamrityunjaja Mandir, a local temple<br />

which is dedicated to Mahadeva (Shiva) and is famous for a linga believed to be<br />

growing in size. 686 The temple is known for its power to increase the life-span of humans<br />

and avert death. 687 In this case the ritual repetition of Shiv-mantras was arranged<br />

to ward off suffering and possible fatal consequences of the surgery. When<br />

the repetition came to end the family staged a puja with fire sacrifice (havan) at the<br />

house.<br />

On one occasion, when I was supposed to interview a young Sikh woman at her<br />

house, her sister met me at the entrance to cancel the meeting and inform me that the<br />

siblings had been struck by smallpox, or “got Sitala Ma”, as she put it. Smallpox is<br />

popularly believed to be a kind of possession of the disease goddess Sitala or the<br />

“cool one”. 688 As the eldest of the seven goddesses, Sitala both inflicts and cures humans<br />

of small pox. The goddess is cool by nature and only when she becomes agitated<br />

by heat will her wrath attack humans with a fever, spots and blisters ‒ the characteristic<br />

symptoms of small pox. Series of rituals are undertaken in attempts to appease<br />

the heated goddess and contain her anger by coldness and thereby cure the<br />

victim from the possession. The temper of Sitala predestines the condition of the sick<br />

and only if the goddess is cooled will she become benevolent again.<br />

As I got to know in subsequent conversations, the Sikh family had temporarily<br />

quarantined their house and kept the afflicted children in a separate room surrounded<br />

by branches of the nim tree. Since Sitala is believed to become upset by<br />

sound, smoke, and smell from frying pans and food perceived as “hot” in the Indian<br />

culture (such as onion and garlic), the mother of the house prepared only “cold” and<br />

boiled food for the whole family. To cool the angry goddess the mother collected<br />

686<br />

Eck 1993: 262.<br />

687<br />

Parry 1994: 164.<br />

688<br />

For studies of origin myths and ritual practices related to Sitala, consult e.g. Wadley 1980 and<br />

Dimock 1982.<br />

430<br />

Published on www.anpere.net in May 2008

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