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INSIDE THE GURU'S GATE - Anpere

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ing with him. Seated beside the mother the granthi fills his cupped right hand with<br />

nectar-water and let it drop five times into the mouth of the child. Then he applies the<br />

amrit to the baby’s head and eyes, five times each. He pours another palmful of water<br />

in the hands of the mother, who will drink it five times, and then purifies her eyes<br />

and head in a similar way. At the end of the ceremony the granthi will take off his<br />

shoes and together with the woman, child, and female relatives present the Sikh supplication.<br />

If any nectar-water remains he may distribute it as consecrated food<br />

(prashad) to all participants. A local granthi, frequently invited for this ceremony, said<br />

that most families want to receive the nectar-water on the fortieth day after delivery,<br />

but it may just as well be distributed earlier if the mother is alone in the household<br />

and desires to go back to ordinary life earlier. As women in the urban setting deliver<br />

at the hospital rather than at the house, some want to receive the purifying nectar<br />

before they are discharged and return home after a week. The granthi is therefore<br />

distributing the amrit both in hospitals and homes.<br />

The purification of the mother is commonly referred to as chaunke charna, meaning<br />

“entering the kitchen” and thus ritually marks the end of the period of impurity<br />

and the woman’s return to social life. Only after she has drank and been sprinkled<br />

with the nectar-water of JapJi Sahib may she take up household duties and freely interact<br />

with people inside and outside the house. But the practice was also harshly<br />

criticized by a few reformist voices in Varanasi. That a mother needs rest and time for<br />

physical recovery justifies the customary postnatal seclusion for forty days, but to<br />

believe that the female body contracts pollution after delivery and has to undergo<br />

purification they considered contradictory to the Guru’s teaching. 598 In the case of a<br />

younger Amritdhari couple, for instance, the husband was of the strong opinion that<br />

birth pollution was a foolish and superstitious belief. When his wife gave birth to<br />

their first son he consequently forbade her to take the purifying amrit. The young<br />

woman became very indignant with his decision and together with the mother in-law<br />

ganged up against him: for five hours on end they cried until the husband finally<br />

gave in and let her take the nectar on the 13 th day after delivery. Very few women<br />

would in fact consider entering the kitchen area unless they have undergone the<br />

purification rite, whether this position is motivated by personal beliefs about impurity,<br />

pressure from family members, or is a means to have their new social status<br />

recognized in the society. Despite the male dominance and preference of sons over<br />

daughters the ceremony of chaunke charna brings about a new status of the woman as<br />

a mother who has given birth to a child and thereby contributed to the prosperity of<br />

the family. Both the period of seclusion during chilla (even if shortened to a couple of<br />

weeks) and the ceremony of chaunke charna is commonly considered a prerequisite for<br />

celebrations of future auspicious events in the family.<br />

598<br />

A Sikh man in his thirties said:“They say that a woman who gives birth to a baby becomes<br />

impure (apvitar). How can she become impure? The Brahmins, the pandits, created these beliefs.<br />

Men never get impure. Women who give birth get impure. I do not believe in this. Only foolish<br />

people think like this.”<br />

356<br />

Published on www.anpere.net in May 2008

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