11.11.2013 Views

INSIDE THE GURU'S GATE - Anpere

INSIDE THE GURU'S GATE - Anpere

INSIDE THE GURU'S GATE - Anpere

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

Create successful ePaper yourself

Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.

eing told? What does history mean to local people? How does peoples’ history reflect<br />

current concerns?<br />

The majority of Sikhs arrived in the city during the years surrounding the partition<br />

in 1947 either as migrant traders or refugees from Western Punjab in the present<br />

Pakistan. In extended conversations my interlocutors surfaced fragments of<br />

information about their arrival in India, experiences of the resettlement in Varanasi,<br />

the reconstruction of gurdwara buildings and how communal practices were revitalized<br />

– all of which constitute memory histories that will scatter in the sections of<br />

this chapter. The important “history” they had internalized and held memorable,<br />

however, was not systematic analyses of source material but a history that celebrates<br />

and verifies the Guru’s presence and wonders at Varanasi. In response to my insistent<br />

inquiries about historical accounts a middle-aged Sikh woman and a good friend of<br />

mine handed over the booklet with the history of the gurdwaras and simply said: “If<br />

you read and listen to this, then you will know the whole history and need not to<br />

seek anymore.” The local history of the gurdwaras and the community worked as a<br />

meta-commentary to social histories about the adventures and hardship of individual<br />

families. It embodied a relation to a meaningful past and revealed the self-image of a<br />

collective group and identity at a particular location. Re-telling anecdotes about the<br />

Sikh Gurus became the way to tell the history about oneself.<br />

Today it appears fairly trite to state that remembering or forgetting the past is<br />

inherently a social activity, executed in a dynamic interplay between individuals and<br />

social groups, and that collectors of the past ‒ historians, communities, or others ‒ in<br />

different cultures and times find either corresponding or contradicting aspects of<br />

history memorable and consequently produce differing representations of the past.<br />

Already in the 1920s Maurice Halbwach argued that memory must be understood<br />

from a social framework: social groups construct memories and select what in the<br />

past should be “memorable”. Individuals do remember things from the past, but<br />

there is no requirement that they have had a direct experience of the historical event.<br />

Instead the social group determines what should be remembered and how, in other<br />

words, the group creates a “collective memory”, with which individuals identify<br />

themselves. Halbwach distinguished between “written history”, which in his positivist<br />

view signified the objective and textual reconstruction of the past, and “collective<br />

memory”, which was a product of social life and exposed to changes according to the<br />

needs of societies. 86<br />

Contemporary historians, anthropologists and other social scientists would<br />

hardly agree with Halbwach’s polarization between collective memory and written<br />

history, but rather treat both as products of social groups. Scholars who have attempted<br />

to move away from the earlier rationalistic and positivist ethos accentuate<br />

that the important task in the study of collective memory is not so much to prove<br />

historical factuality of social recollections ‒ how they actually tally with a past reality<br />

‒ but in which ways individuals and groups remember, select and construct memo-<br />

86<br />

Halbwachs 1992.<br />

36<br />

Published on www.anpere.net in May 2008

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!