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INSIDE THE GURU'S GATE - Anpere

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originated. Generally the Hindu Sindhis have been grouped under three basic categories:<br />

Lohana, Bhatia and Brahmin, of which the former comprises a bulk of divergent<br />

Vaishya jatis, who share the claim of Kshattriya origin and the cult of Jhulelal. Except<br />

for the Brahmins, who were and still are ritual specialists, the major part of Sindhi<br />

jatis are involved in trading and commerce of different kinds. 153 Equally important to<br />

a Sindhi identity is clan membership (bradari) and ancestry. Most Sindhi family<br />

names end with “‒ani”, which signifies “descendant of” and indicates the patrilineal<br />

origin from a male ancestor, while other Sindhi surnames will denote the place of<br />

origin or occupation. 154<br />

After the migration from Pakistan the Sindhis have attempted to construe a<br />

global Sindhi identity that subsumes social differences of caste and regional belonging,<br />

even if traditional social rules still plays a significant role when arranging marriages.<br />

As Falzon (2004) argues, the idea of a ”Sindhiness” has become the primary<br />

identity marker in contemporary Diaspora communities which distinguishes Sindhis<br />

from other people in different local contexts and nurses the feeling of belonging to a<br />

single community and a shared cultural and ethnic group. 155 The reconstruction of an<br />

all-embracing Sindhi identity, however, does not necessarily rest on the imagination<br />

of a “homeland” or religious belonging ‒ elements that are fundamental to a Punjabi<br />

Sikh identity. Thapan (2002) notes that the older generations of Sindhi Hindus may<br />

still consider the province Sindh as a lost “homeland”, but due to social mobility and<br />

the transnational character of contemporary Sindhi communities the younger generations<br />

will claim multiple homelands that are located in different parts of the world.<br />

As Thapan puts it, they let “their communities around the world represent a “homeland”<br />

without a territory.” 156 It is an imagined homeland located on the symbolic<br />

level. The cultural material articulated in the creation and maintenance of the modern<br />

Sindhi identity implies a shared history, specific language, literature, and in more<br />

recent decades, rituals and symbols related to the cult of Jhulelal.<br />

The religious world of the Sindhis is a complex matter. According to Thapan the<br />

majority of the population in Sindh converted to Islam between the tenth and fourteenth<br />

century, followed by Sufi influences in the sixteenth century. 157 Sindhi Hindus,<br />

on the other hand, have combined different beliefs and practices of the Hindu and<br />

Sikh traditions, assimilated with devotion to regional saints, Gods and Sufi pirs. A<br />

major part of the Sindhi Hindus would in fact call themselves Nanak-panthis, followers<br />

of the teaching of Guru Nanak, in addition to their worship of Gods and Goddesses<br />

associated with the mainstream Hinduism. The religious life of Sindhis, however,<br />

cannot simply be comprehended as an amalgam of regional Hindu and Sikh<br />

beliefs and practices that historically have developed by accretion and reconciliation<br />

through interaction with the different traditions. Neither would it be correct to clas-<br />

153<br />

Falzon 2004: 32.<br />

154<br />

Falzon 2004: 36, Thapan 2002: 15.<br />

155<br />

Falzon 2004: 38.<br />

156<br />

Thapan 2002: 2.<br />

157<br />

Thapan 2002: 16.<br />

62<br />

Published on www.anpere.net in May 2008

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