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INSIDE THE GURU'S GATE - Anpere

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The living katha traditions, upheld by oral exegetes and musicians, strongly emphasize<br />

that Sikhs should read, listen, interpret, and continually dwell on the semantic<br />

dimensions of Guru Granth Sahib to develop understanding and insights of the<br />

Guru’s spiritual guidance. Recitations, singing and readings of gurbani hymns are<br />

always to follow prescribed formal rules because the words rendered are belived to<br />

be of suprahuman origin. Still the endless range of spiritual meanings in the Guru<br />

Granth Sahib are of greatest significance to a Sikh way of life and the ideal Sikh<br />

should always attempt to comprehend the referential content of what he or she is<br />

reciting.<br />

Sikh propagandists in India and the Diaspora occasionally bring up true devotion<br />

and comprehension of the Guru’s teaching in Guru Granth Sahib for public debate.<br />

726 In these discourses semantic understanding of the sacred text is often contrasted<br />

with ritual practices. In Varanasi visiting propagandists from the Punjab<br />

would comment upon the presence of karam kand, or “ritualism” or “rituals” in the<br />

city. In their use of the term it signified the extent of ritual activities in a Hindu pilgrimage<br />

center and the “meaninglessness” of rituals which, both in content and form,<br />

were contradictory to the normative Sikh code of conduct, particularly Hindu customs<br />

which people continued to observe by family or caste tradition. The propagandists<br />

would also direct harsh criticism toward some Sikh practices which in their<br />

view had fallen into error due to ritualization. A recurrent topic was the common<br />

practice to purchase performances of Akhand path that are carried out by specialists in<br />

absence of the sponsor and at such a brisk pace that people are not able to understand<br />

the words recited. A local propagandist asserted the modern increase of religious<br />

activities among the Sikhs has been accompanied with a shift away from direct participation<br />

in worship: “When the pathis perform Akhand path the congregation is busy<br />

gossiping. While the Akhand path is going on in one room of the house, people will<br />

gather in another for watching TV,” he said.<br />

726<br />

In a paper on ritual and identity, Nijhawan (2006a) observes how religious discourses in a<br />

Sikh gurdwara in Frankfurt have shifted from political concerns to matters related to pietism in<br />

the performance of rituals. When Sikh propagandists, working within trans-national networks,<br />

visited the local gurdwara their discourses were organized around the corruption of worship:<br />

Sikh practices have gone astray from the Guru’s teaching to become devoid of inner commitment.<br />

Interestingly enough the granthis, responsible for the daily duties in the gurdwara, met the<br />

propaganda with little interest. The reason for this, Nijhawan suggests, was related to the fact<br />

that the rituals under criticism contributed significantly to the process of establishing a local<br />

community: in a scattered Diaspora the organization of rituals has the force to tie people together<br />

in collective representations and provide the required resources to maintain the community.<br />

According to Nijhawan the discrepancy between the different orientations ‒ Sikh reformists<br />

propagating internal matters and local Sikhs trying to secure resources of identity and representations<br />

‒ has created a cleavage in the Sikh community (Nijhawan 2006a). The Frankfurt case<br />

demonstrates an instance of negotiation between two common emic approaches to ritual, text<br />

and religion: propagandists who stress orthodoxy – correct beliefs in religious doctrines ‒ and<br />

seek to maintain the sense of a coherent teaching and tradition, while local Sikhs meet these<br />

discourses with more pragmatic and reflexive attitudes.<br />

458<br />

Published on www.anpere.net in May 2008

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