INSIDE THE GURU'S GATE - Anpere

micro-discursive accomplishment that runs counter and exists in relation to hegemonic
ideologies and discourses. If the master narrative has a key function of providing
people a way to record their lives and experiences within the framework of what
is assumed to be a shared cultural discourse, then the counter-narrative enables
strategies for subversion of master narratives and the creation of alternative or reversed
perspectives when these experiences, particularly of those who constitute nondominant
or marginal groups in the society, do not comply with the hegemonic discourse.
Even though the counter-narrative may be guided by various degrees of resistance
and concerns with power, it still exists within the boundaries of the dominant
narrative, which works as a blueprint for the counter. 185 As I intend to exemplify in
the following, the scenery, characters and the main plot of the local Sikh history are
set and framed by selected stereotypical images of Varanasi that provide the very
foundation for the city’s reputation in the Hindu world and beyond. Simultaneously
the story manifests a position that counters the discursive framework by outlining
events that eventually subvert Hindu values and domination. Instead of affirming the
religious authority of Brahmins or the spiritual power of river Ganga, the story generates
a narrative “twist” to make both categories subordinate and subject to the Sikh
Gurus’ teaching and power.
The rhetorical strategy to counter dominant beliefs and practices is in no way
exceptional for the contemporary local historiography in Varanasi, but typical of the
seventeenth century Janam-sakhi literature that aimed at proving the supremacy of
Guru Nanak and the geographical spread of his teaching. In a web of anecdotes these
stories lay out story lines and figures, representing diverse religious traditions and
local cults in a stereotypical manner. Wherever Guru Nanak travels and whoever he
encounters his spiritual and intellectual sovereignty is testified in words, actions, and
sometimes only by a glance at him. According to McLeod (1980) the primary purpose
of the historical Janam-sakhis was of a soteriological nature, in other words, how to
reach salvation through the acceptance of Guru Nanak. The social function was to
determine the identity of all who gathered around the Guru and maintain cohesion in
the Sikh community by projecting images of the person who constituted the focus of a
common loyalty among the Sikhs. 186 Similar concerns about spiritual liberation and
religious identity are disclosed in the modern local historiography, however, adjusted
to contemporary interests of Sikhs at a particular location.
The social composition of the present Sikh community in Varanasi is far from
homogenous but consists of individuals from various social and cultural backgrounds.
In the local narrative these social differences are deliberately concealed to
favour an ideal of a uniform community that can trace its origin back to the time of
history, lying in the background to be selectively deployed in the making of history and which
makes smaller stories intelligible. “Grand narrative”, on the other hand, claims to offer an account
of the history as a whole and is justified by meta-narrating of objective scholars or religious
people (1995: 152 ‒ 153).
185
Bamberg & Andrews 2004.
186
McLeod 1980a: 244 ‒ 247.
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Published on www.anpere.net in May 2008