INSIDE THE GURU'S GATE - Anpere

MEMORIZED HYMNS
(Number of informants)
NITNEM
JapJi Sahib 27 (77%)
Jap Sahib 16 (46%)
Tav Savaiyye 17 (49%)
Chaupai Sahib 18 (51%)
Anand Sahib 20 (57%)
Rahiras Sahib 25 (71%)
Kirtan Sohila 19 (54%)
OTHER GURBANI HYMNS
Sukhmani Sahib 25 (71%)
Dukh Bhanjani Sahib 3 (9%)
Arti 3 (9%)
Single stanzas 6 (17%)
Figure 14.
bani and will recite JapJi Sahib in the morning and
Rahiras Sahib at dusk, or listen to recitals in the
gurdwara, as a part of their daily routine. 440
A few remarks should be passed about the
opening hymn of the scriptural corpus, JapJi Sahib,
which undeniably is the most treasured gurbani
hymn among all Sikhs. At an early age children are
encouraged to learn and pronounce the prefatory
mulmantra, or “root mantra” of JapJi Sahib, which
starts with the numeral ”1” (ik) and continues to
praise the qualities of God in a denominative manner.
In Sikh practices the mulmantra is an invocation
frequently used for continuous repetitions (jap) and
remembrance of divine qualities. The illocutionary
force of reciting the mantra is equal to a declaration
of acceptance and adherence to the Sikh religion. 441
In different performances of gurbani the sacred
formula also functions as a marker to frame the
transition from an ordinary speech context to a
440
In both Gurubagh Gurdwara and Nichibagh Gurdwara all the five compositions of nitnem
would be recited directly after the Prakash ceremony at 3.30 in the morning and takes about 45
minutes to complete (because it requires aloud enunciation), whereas the 25-minutes singing
recital of Rahiras Sahib usually starts at 5.45 pm during the winter seasons and one hour later in
the summer.
441
A similar “illocutionary force” comes forward in the uses of the calligraphic inscriptions of
the mulmantra, and the contemporary practice of tattooing (godna) its first syllable ‒ Ik omkar ‒ on
the right hand or wrist. In Varanasi district, several Sikh converts of lower Hindu castes have
their hands or other body parts decorated with divergent tattoos, either caste-signs or emblems
of a deity. At the time of their conversion to Sikhism, the Ik omkar syllable was added to the
bodily canvas to designate a new religious commitment and belonging. In diasporic contexts the
social aspects of bodily inscriptions seems to be even more tangible, especially among young
Sikh men who visit tattoo artists to decorate their bodies with religious symbols like the khanda,
or calligraphic designs of Ik omkar, Satnam Vahiguru, in order to mark out a connection to the
Sikh religion and epitomize a cultural-ethnic identity. The Sikh signs and formulas become
deictic markers of identity that are written on the canvas of human skin. The tattoos can also be
viewed as tools and tokens of worship. A middle-aged Sikh man who in his teens tattooed the Ik
omkar sign on his right hand “just for fun” and to display his religious identity said the tattoo
eventually became a sign to remind him of God and prevented from him from bad conducts,
such as drinking alcohol, stealing, etc. From a symbol representing a social identity, the tattoo
grew into sign of divine supervision, which for him worked as a personal memento and vehicle
to meditate on God. On the Indian subcontinent, tattooing sacred names and branding emblems
of divinities on the human body and material objects appears to be a ancient custom (Lamb
2002, Shah 1985), which in the Punjab has been practiced among several Vaishnava orders and
religious pilgrims (See Rose 1919). The implications of contemporary tattoo practices among
Sikhs and Punjabis in India and abroad would make an interesting subject of study.
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Published on www.anpere.net in May 2008