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INSIDE THE GURU'S GATE - Anpere

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a maximum score of hundred points, of which fifty points was the highest mark for<br />

the historical exam and the remaining fifty points for the recitation test. Students who<br />

wrote the answers of the written exam in Gurmukhi script would also get an extra ten<br />

points in bonus. To attract and encourage children to participate in the competitions<br />

community members donated cash prizes and trophies to the first three winners, as<br />

well as smaller gifts to all contestants. On the festival day the children were invited to<br />

demonstrate their knowledge and skill on stage in the gurdwara. These pedagogical<br />

activities successfully attempt to inspire the youth to take interest in the Sikh teaching,<br />

history, and the Guru Granth Sahib.<br />

1.3. COUNTER-NARRATIVE AS COLLECTIVE MEMORY<br />

For Sikhs in Varanasi it is not necessarily ancient mythologies about the great wonders<br />

of Shiva or the purifying powers of river Ganga that are held memorable and<br />

sanctify the city. As a minority group situated within the boundaries of a Hindu centre,<br />

the Sikhs have generated their own collective emic historiography, transmitted<br />

orally and published in printed texts. The written history sets the standard for what<br />

should be remembered of the past by the collective group of Sikhs. It is the recounting<br />

and commemoration of events in a shared past which are considered prior to<br />

personal experiences of individuals and work as a manifestation of a collective memory.<br />

As opposed to opinions that people are resistant to change or compliantly influenced<br />

by the social and cultural context which they are part of, the local history of the<br />

Sikhs is neither self-contained as a bounded object separable from the socio-cultural<br />

context in which it operates, nor dictated by this environment. On the contrary, it<br />

seems to have emerged in negotiations between local Sikhs in interactions with the<br />

wider context. As a collective representation of the past the local history manifests<br />

itself as a “counter-narrative” created in a dialogic relation to the dominating discourse<br />

or “master narrative” of Varanasi as the centre of Hindu pilgrimage and the<br />

stronghold of Brahmin orthodoxy and religious learning. 184 A counter-narrative is a<br />

senior community members, who acted as judges. The participants were divided into three age<br />

groups and expected to recite different compositions: children up to the age of six were tested in<br />

recitation of Mulmantra, the first hymns of the Guru Granth Sahib, and would be awarded extra<br />

points if they remembered additional hymns. Boys and girls between the age of six and ten were<br />

tested in the hymn Chaupai Sahib, while the teenagers up to the age of twenty recited the whole<br />

JapJi Sahib and Rahiras Sahib. Each child would sit separately before an adult Sikh and read the<br />

compositions from memory. The instructors evaluated the children’s recitation proficiency on<br />

the criteria of correctness and devotion. For each mispronunciation or fault they deduced one<br />

point and only those who enunciated the text without faults and with a “feeling for gurbani”<br />

would be given the highest marks. All the children who scored more than forty points reached<br />

the finals and a second testing round.<br />

184<br />

From a historian’s perspective, Megill (1995) distinguishes between ”master narrative” and<br />

“grand narrative”, of which the former is a more limited story about particular segments of<br />

80<br />

Published on www.anpere.net in May 2008

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