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INSIDE THE GURU'S GATE - Anpere

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ered. In equally many homes the younger women ‒ the daughters-in-law or sistersin-law<br />

‒ shared the duties. A couple of families had created routines of distributing<br />

the daily services between man and wife: while the husband carried out Prakash in<br />

the morning before going to work, the woman performed Sukhasan at night. In another<br />

family the married couple was too busy in their professional life and had therefore<br />

hired a private reciter (pathi) to answer for all services. Only in one domestic<br />

gurdwara did the father of the house, an elderly retired businessman, take care of the<br />

ceremonies alone. In all these cases it was always the women who conducted the<br />

daily food offerings of family meals (bhog lagana) to Guru Granth Sahib. The only<br />

occasion at which women fully entrusted all procedures to their sons or husbands<br />

was during their menstruation. 406 The gender distribution, here briefly sketched, may<br />

be suggestive of the important ritual role women play within the domain of a household.<br />

In conformity with the traditional gender division in a patriarchal society men<br />

are granted active roles in public spheres, while the women’s spaces for acquisition of<br />

respect and power are more restricted to domestic domains. Similar to male performers<br />

and specialists of public gurdwaras, women function as domestic granthis, who<br />

possess liturgical and linguistic knowledge to function like “ministers” in homely<br />

courts of the Guru-scripture. At the same time the data indicates that families and the<br />

women themselves hand over the religious duties at the house to paid specialists<br />

when they acquire active roles in the public domain.<br />

In this context it is motivated to observe the reasons people might have for not<br />

establishing a domestic gurdwara. In the semi-structured interviews this made up<br />

one of several attendance questions posed to the majority of respondents who replied<br />

in the negative to possession of Guru Granth Sahib. Just as modes of procedure for<br />

acquiring scriptures can elucidate attitudes people have to the guardianship of Guru<br />

Granth Sahib, alleged grounds for disclaims may reveal religious stances in even<br />

more plain words. To exemplify these local views I will quote seven informants who<br />

countered the question “What is your reason for not having Guru Granth Sahib ji at<br />

the house?”:<br />

1. Young female student<br />

I am living in a rented house. People are coming and going. Guru Granth<br />

Sahib ji should be kept with respect and not like ordinary books. But<br />

when I will get my own house I will keep a place for Guru Granth Sahib<br />

ji.<br />

2. Young female student<br />

Guru Granth Sahib ji is pure and the place must also be pure. We have<br />

a very small house. If you have Guru Granth Sahib ji you need a special<br />

place and you have to do Prakash daily. I do not want to give disrespect<br />

to Guru ji.<br />

406<br />

See more about attitudes related to menstruation in Chapter 3.<br />

219<br />

Published on www.anpere.net in May 2008

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