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INSIDE THE GURU'S GATE - Anpere

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division which grants women an active role in domestic spheres but not in the public.<br />

Elderly female interlocutors would sometimes let the man of the household speak on<br />

behalf of the whole family. In one interview the husband dominantly took over the<br />

discussion, while the woman retreated into complete silence. The tendency to give<br />

men precedence of speech was present in conversations with informants of other age<br />

groups, but never posed any major problem as men and women were conversed with<br />

separately.<br />

The interview guide developed around themes regarded significant to a Sikh<br />

way of life. In total it contained fifty questions, including biographical data of the<br />

interviewee. A first group of questions were used to obtain data on the religious identity<br />

and language proficiency of the interviewee, as well as his or her perceptions of<br />

Sikh history and means to pursue religious knowledge. A second cluster of questions<br />

focused on religious space in Varanasi, particularly the gurdwara and the practices<br />

conducted therein. The interlocutor was requested to describe personal worship routines<br />

and explicate collective worship acts in the gurdwara, such as kirtan, seva, simran.<br />

A third group of questions concerned conceptions and practices of the Guru<br />

Granth Sahib and hymns ascribed to the Sikh Gurus. The interviewee was asked to<br />

explain various personal uses of the Sikh scripture at the private house and in the<br />

gurdwara. The fourth set of questions involved different types of religious practices,<br />

such as pilgrimage, festivals, rites of passage, calendar rites, practices in times of<br />

illness and need, which the interviewees were asked to describe from personal experiences.<br />

In a final group of questions the interlocutor was encouraged to develop<br />

personal religious beliefs and meanings of devotion. In every interview several follow-up<br />

questions were added to the conversation. The length of time I spent with<br />

each informant comprised from three to more than twenty hours. I would therefore<br />

meet each interlocutor between one to five times, excluding social visits and small<br />

talks to make our acquaintances. Most of the interviews were conducted at private<br />

houses and shops or in the gurdwara. At the end of the each interview the informant<br />

were asked to bring up themes and topics they considered relevant for a Sikh identity<br />

and a Sikh way of life which he or she thought we had omitted in our conversations.<br />

At the beginning of my field study the granthis and the gurdwara manager<br />

granted permission to use a tape recorder to document liturgies and performances<br />

inside the gurdwara. The semi-structured interviews with Sikh individuals and most<br />

unstructured interviews with performers were also recorded on tape. The accumulation<br />

of material and lack of time prevented me from transcribing the interviews to<br />

English during my stay at Varanasi. Instead I kept notes and transcribed all recordings<br />

when I returned home. In interview situations all informants were firstly<br />

asked if they approved of being recorded. Provided they agreed, I would keep the<br />

tape recorder in my bag with a small microphone attached outside to avoid making<br />

the rolling tape a disturbing factor. Only in one case did the son-in-law of an elderly<br />

male repondant ask me to switch off the recorder because he considered the information<br />

conveyed politically charged. In conversations with others I experienced that<br />

people would be somewhat reserved at the beginning of our conversation, but<br />

31<br />

Published on www.anpere.net in May 2008

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