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INSIDE THE GURU'S GATE - Anpere

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(path), music (kirtan) and distribution of consecrated food (prashad), are media<br />

through which divine “coded substances” of the Guru are channelled. Engagement in<br />

these worship forms involves transactions of substances in sound, sight, food, etc.,<br />

between the Guru and devotees which are believed to have material/physical/physiological,<br />

as well as spiritual mental/cognitive effects upon their<br />

recipients. When listening to devotional music, taking darshan of the Guru Granth<br />

Sahib, or drinking nectar-water, Sikhs are incorporating substances that will recompose<br />

their persons to a “religious genus” shared by other devotees. They establish<br />

substantial and moral connectedness to the Guru which is believed to generate biomoral<br />

transformations of persons. 491<br />

Although one needs to be cautious with theories that attempt to derive universal<br />

principles underlying indigenous ideologies at the expense of change and diversity,<br />

the notion of substance is ever-present when local Sikhs talk of the various types<br />

of amrit and consecrated food (prashad). 492 The preparation of amrit presumes that<br />

recitations of gurbani will transform ordinary water (pani) to blessed nectar which<br />

people may use for ingestion or to besprinkle persons, houses or objects with. By<br />

producing gurbani in sound directly over the water or in its close vicinity the words<br />

are believed to materialize as a hidden essence in the water. The recitation is an act of<br />

transmitting words through the vehicle of sound to fluids that will be consecrated<br />

and imbued with substances of gurbani. In more specified terms than the scholarly<br />

discussion on transformative worship substances, locals assert that different types of<br />

amrit will produce different effects on people depending upon a set of factors during<br />

the ritual preparation, such as the identity of the agent preparing the nectar, the space<br />

in which recitations take place, the ritual instruments utilized, and dispositions of<br />

recipients. Moreover, the identity and transformative power ascribed to particular<br />

waters used in Sikh ceremonies are intimately connected with semantic properties of<br />

the recited gurbani hymns or what these hymns have come to represent in the broader<br />

Sikh tradition. In healing contexts people will choose a gurbani verse which bears<br />

semantic links to the purpose for which the amrit is prepared. It is the semanticoreferential<br />

meaning of a text that determines the expected material and spiritual bene-<br />

491<br />

Dusenbery 1992: 395.<br />

492<br />

Scholarly claims about monistic or non-dualistic ideologies in non-western societies have also<br />

been criticized for basing models on abstract theories which have little bearing in the more<br />

complex empirical reality and they start out from the dichotomies (western/non-western reasoning;<br />

dualistic/non-dualistic thought) that they attempt to move away from (see eg. Gell 1998,<br />

Carstens 2004). Based on my own empirical material I am more hesitant of a general application<br />

of the theory of worship substances to all Sikh practices, as well as the separation between cognitive<br />

and sound properties of words in order to prove how they are interconnected in the nondualistic<br />

ideology of language. Words, believed to be of divine origin, may be ascribed a number<br />

of illocutionary and preluctionary functions because of their ontological status. Sound, just<br />

like script, is considered a vehicle to disclose and transmit gurbani and attains sacredness because<br />

of what it contains.<br />

279<br />

Published on www.anpere.net in May 2008

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