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INSIDE THE GURU'S GATE - Anpere

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itual theorists in recent decades have come to perceive ritual primarily as action<br />

which assumes certain qualities. This action is always acted out by humans within a<br />

social and situational context. Starting from the questions of what distinguishes ritual<br />

acts from ordinary act in the everyday life, and under which circumstances ritual<br />

activities differ from other human activities, many theorists of today would rather<br />

talk of rituals as a process by which the properties of ordinary acts are transformed.<br />

In the move from an essence-oriented view to a process-directed approach,<br />

Catherine Bell (1988, 1992, 1997) familiarized the word ritualization, which according<br />

to her signfied the ways by which action gradually assumes a ritualized character.<br />

Ritualization becomes “a way of acting that distinguishes itself from other ways of<br />

acting in the very way it does what it does.” 67 In her view there seem to be at least six<br />

typical traits of acts which have been exposed to the process of ritualization: ritual<br />

acts have a character of being formal, traditional, regular and recurrent, rulegoverned,<br />

pregnant with symbols, and performative. Bell has illustrated the qualitative<br />

spectrum which characterizes ritualized acts and the ways by which cultures<br />

ritualize and de-ritualize activities in strategies to create and maintain power relations<br />

and social acts. 68<br />

Focusing more explicitly on the properties of ritual action and human agency,<br />

Humphrey & Laidlaw (1994) define ritualization as a “distinctive character”, which<br />

any kind of act can assume when the actor takes up, what they call, “the ’ritual commitment’<br />

‒ a particular stance with respect to his or her own action.” 69 This commitment<br />

or acceptance involves four interdependant aspects which indicate that action<br />

has become ritualized:<br />

(1) Ritual action is non-intentional, in the sense that while people performing<br />

ritual acts do have intentions (thus the actions are not unintentional),<br />

the identity of a ritualized act does not depends, as in the case<br />

with normal action, on the agent’s intention in acting.<br />

(2) Ritualized action is stipulated, in the sense that the constitution of<br />

separate acts out of the continuous flow of a person’s actions is not accomplished,<br />

as is the case with normal action, by processes of intentional<br />

understanding, but rather by constitutive rules which establish<br />

an ontology of ritual acts.<br />

(3) Such acts are perceived as discrete, named entities, with their own<br />

characters and histories, and it is for this reason we call such acts elemental<br />

and archetypal.<br />

(4) Because ritualized acts are felt, by those who perform them, to be<br />

external, they are also ‘apprehensible’. That is, they are always avail-<br />

67<br />

Bell 1997: 81.<br />

68<br />

In Bell’s view ritual practice is a situational strategy, in the sense that action must be understood<br />

from its particular social situation and practice is often directed towards purposes or can<br />

be associated with individual intentions. See Bell 1992, 1997.<br />

69<br />

Humphrey & Laidlaw 1994: 88.<br />

19<br />

Published on www.anpere.net in May 2008

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