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INSIDE THE GURU'S GATE - Anpere

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more inclined towards ritual worship. These value-laden schemes of stereotypes are<br />

intended to create differentiation and borders between groups within the Sikh community<br />

and strengthen images of the self. But it should also be noted that the various<br />

zat do observe different caste-related customs. Some ceremonies observed by Khatri<br />

Sikhs will not be found in the Jat society and vice versa. The following descriptions<br />

will reflect collective worship and family practices among a few Sikh informants of<br />

Khatri castes and others who were strongly influenced by the Khatri dominance at<br />

Varanasi. A survey among other social groups would most probably have generated<br />

slightly different information.<br />

SIKHISM AS A SOCIAL PROJECT<br />

Another significant group of the local community in Varanasi is Hindus who have<br />

converted to the Sikh religion. Some of my informants said their families were “decorated”<br />

as Sikhs (sikh saje) one or two generations back and told about massconversions<br />

of Hindus, in history and modern times, when hundreds of villagers had<br />

gone through the Sikh initiation ceremony (Khande di pahul) and adopted a Khalsa<br />

identity. Most of the converts I spoke with originated from rural areas and belonged<br />

to lower castes. Conversion to Sikhism was motivated by experiences of social discrimination<br />

in the Hindu society.<br />

Religious conversion to Sikhism has been an understudied subject, probably<br />

because of the prevailing perception among scholars and the Sikhs themselves that<br />

conversion is not a feature of the tradition. One exception is the historical analysis of<br />

Sikh attitudes towards conversion by Fenech (2003), which focuses on the public<br />

stance (or lack of stance) to conversion taken up by the Sikh reform movement Singh<br />

Sabha in the nineteenth century. 147 As Fenech suggests, the Singh Sabha reformers<br />

promoted a Khalsa identity that separated the Sikhs from the Hindu and Muslim<br />

“other”, however they did not take up a clear official policy regarding conversion to<br />

Sikhism. One of the several reasons for this lack of a concise formulation Fenech finds<br />

in the motives behind the establishment of Singh Sabha: the reform movement<br />

emerged to restore Sikhism from within and strengthen the loyalty to Khalsa ideals<br />

among the Sikhs, rather than converting non-Sikhs to the religion. Reform and missionary<br />

activities carried out by the Singh Sabha, as well as contemporary Sikh institutions,<br />

such as the Dharam Pracharak Committee of the SGPC and the Sikh Missionary<br />

Colleges, were not intended to proselytize, but to edify and propagate a Khalsa identity<br />

and ideals within the Sikh community. 148 Fenech correctly writes that the English<br />

147<br />

See also Dusenbery’s (1990) comparative analysis of attitudes towards conversion among<br />

Punjabi Sikhs and American Sikhs.<br />

148<br />

Fenech 2003: 151 ‒ 154. A visiting propagandist who organized the Khande di pahul at Mogul<br />

Sarai maintained that personal information of all who undergo the ceremony, including their<br />

name, address, age and previous religious belonging, will be registered and sent to the Dharam<br />

Pracharak Committee in Amritsar. He said the information will be used for statistics of Khalsa<br />

members, converts, and the spread of the Sikh religion.<br />

57<br />

Published on www.anpere.net in May 2008

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