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INSIDE THE GURU'S GATE - Anpere

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INTRODUCTION<br />

When I first arrived at Varanasi in 1996 for an undergraduate program in religious<br />

studies I had plans to write a thesis about perceptions of religious identity among<br />

Sikhs residing in the Hindu pilgrimage center. The destination of Varanasi was set by<br />

the university program and I had joined it to learn more about the Sikh religion. From<br />

the available literature I had monitored up to then, a separate Sikh identity and especially<br />

its definition in relation to the Hindu religion seemed to be a topic of high relevance<br />

and great controversy among scholars. Contrastingly, my university professor<br />

at that time would talk warmly about “cultural inclusion” in the Indian society and<br />

“religious interface” in worship and festivals between Hindus, Muslims, and the<br />

Sikhs. A contributing factor for choosing the Sikhs at Varanasi was the scholarly tendency<br />

to focus on Sikhism in the Punjab and in a “Western” Diaspora, while neglecting<br />

all those Sikhs who live outside the heartland of Punjab but still within the national<br />

borders of India, that is, in an Indian Diaspora. 1 Of the 19 million people who<br />

constitute the Sikh population in India about a quarter resides in the capital of Delhi<br />

and other states apart from the Punjab. Uttar Pradesh, the state in which Varanasi is<br />

located, holds the seemingly modest number 3.5 percent of the total Sikh population,<br />

yet comprises more than half a million individuals. 2<br />

With a rather vague plan to investigate manifestations of “cultural inclusion” at<br />

Varanasi and trace elements that could possibly be relevant to local conceptions and<br />

attitudes toward a Sikh identity, I made the first acquaintance with the gurdwaras in<br />

the city and began to conduct interviews with Sikh families. One sunny afternoon in<br />

the middle of the work, however, the manager of the gurdwara invited me to his<br />

office. He requested me to take a seat and share a cup of tea. After a silent moment,<br />

he asked what I really wanted to know about the Sikh religion. I tried my best to<br />

explain the interest in a Sikh identity, and especially the relationship between the<br />

Hindu and Sikh traditions, but noticed that my words did not fall into good grounds.<br />

The manager explained the interrelation between the two traditions as a matter of<br />

course, since the Sikhs were Hindus from the beginning. Within a few minutes he had<br />

in fact judged the problem of my study as irrelevant. When our tea was finished he<br />

pointed a finger towards the nearby gurdwara hall and said: “Why don’t you look at<br />

the things we actually do?”<br />

I should admit the manager’s negative response momentarily caused distress.<br />

To have the research study mistrusted or rejected by “informants” is not a pleasant<br />

1<br />

Exceptions are Parkash’s (1981) study of the Sikhs in Bihar, Sarna’s (1993) work on the Sikhs in<br />

Kashmir, and Banerjee’s (2003) analysis of Sikh literature published in Assamese, Bengali, and<br />

Oriya between 1845 and 1947. These contributions are primarily textual analyses of historical<br />

documents and make passing notes on social practices and religious worship in the respective<br />

cultural settings.<br />

2<br />

Census of India 2001 at the web site: www.censusindia.net.<br />

1<br />

Published on www.anpere.net in May 2008

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