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INSIDE THE GURU'S GATE - Anpere

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articulate suppressed needs. Religious interpretations, as explanations to experiences<br />

of spirit possession, are of marginal interest in these studies.<br />

In more recent years anthropologists have criticized these interpretations for<br />

being too entangled in Western concepts of a person and instead paid attention to<br />

indigenous expressions of subjective experiences. In a phenomenological study,<br />

Dwyer distinguishes between the phenomenon of spirit possession and interpretations<br />

of the same, which are always dependent on cultural understanding. In the<br />

North Indian context different diseases and problems which are interpreted in terms<br />

of supernatural influences appeal to pre-existing religious and cultural discourses.<br />

The fact that women more often claim to experience spirit problems should, according<br />

to Dwyer, not be seen as conscious strategies in deprived situations but a phenomenon<br />

related to cultural conceptions which consider women weaker and more<br />

exposed to affliction. Spirits are attracted to impurities which make women an easy<br />

target as they go through several periods of impurity during menstruation and childbirth.<br />

People thus interpret and attribute diseases and problems to supernatural<br />

causes, derived from their own cultural and religious understanding. 695<br />

As the case of Aman illustrates, a healing tradition is dependant on the cognitive<br />

structure of a belief in spirits, the agency of an acknowledged healer, patients,<br />

and a healing process during which the healer will use a particular method or ritual.<br />

A person considered possessed by spirits does not merely invent a drama to ventilate<br />

inner conflicts or mental stress, but people seriously believe in the existence of spirits<br />

and other supernatural forces that may cause trouble if disturbed or attracted to humans.<br />

The Sikh healing practice of Mata ji presupposes this cultural understanding.<br />

What distinguish Mata ji and Kuku ji from other specialists in the local context, however,<br />

is their adherence to a healing tradition within popular Sikhism and the religious<br />

measures by which they cure patients. The family of Aman, as well as other<br />

Sikh clients, stated that the power of Mata ji, as a healer and devout Sikh, depended<br />

on three interrelated factors: the blessing and mantra she had obtained from Dehra<br />

Sahib and which allowed her to work in the tradition of Baba Vadbhag Singh; her<br />

own spiritual achievements in life; and the use of gurbani hymns in the immediate<br />

healing situation. Many said that Mata ji had been graced with divine power from<br />

intensive meditation and austerity practices. She had internalized gurbani and committed<br />

herself to recitations for sixteen hours a day. As a result of this dedication,<br />

Mata ji was graced with knowledge of gurbani and knew which hymn suited for<br />

which situation or problem her clients experienced. But it was only her initiation in<br />

the tradition of Vadbhag Singh that provided her authority to cure people. Before<br />

exemplifying how gurbani hymns are ritually used for healing purposes in the practice<br />

at Paharia, we must first examine the tradition which legitimizes this usage.<br />

695<br />

Dwyer 2003.<br />

438<br />

Published on www.anpere.net in May 2008

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