Strategic Panorama 2009 - 2010 - IEEE
Strategic Panorama 2009 - 2010 - IEEE
Strategic Panorama 2009 - 2010 - IEEE
You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles
YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.
Eduardo Serra Rexach<br />
nation-states were losing power both «upwards» (to supranational<br />
organisations) and «downwards» (to multinationals, NGOs, rating<br />
agencies, independent regulatory bodies and in cases like Spain<br />
to regional authorities), but above all to the «market». The crisis,<br />
states the author, appears to have ground this process to a halt:<br />
the action taken by states in programmes to bail out the financial<br />
system, fiscal stimulus packages and regulatory reforms has restored<br />
their legitimacy to impose their criteria on the markets. The final<br />
outcome is unknown—it is not even known whether this new path<br />
is the right one, but the change of direction is already a fact.<br />
2) The second major consequence is the transformation of the former<br />
G-7/G-8 into the new G-20 as the regulatory body of the world economy;<br />
this is a phenomenon which had been brewing ever since the<br />
start of globalisation and the subsequent appearance of the emerging<br />
economies and denotes, as stated in a previous edition of the<br />
<strong>Strategic</strong> <strong>Panorama</strong>, the loss of power of the developed countries.<br />
However the crisis has suddenly revealed the need to incorporate<br />
the emerging powers into the regulatory bodies. This led to the<br />
consolidation of the G-20, which has met three times in less than<br />
a year—a fact which should be regarded as excellent news as it<br />
accords the organs of economic governance greater legitimacy and,<br />
consequently, greater effectiveness.<br />
3) Finally, the crisis has granted a primordial role to the IMF, allowing<br />
the institution to increase its budget and improve its courses of<br />
action, although it has also highlighted the need for a substantial<br />
internal reform to make it more representative and, accordingly,<br />
boost its legitimacy and efficiency.<br />
The author ends with a reference to the implications of the crisis for<br />
the European Union, which, he states, was prepared neither for the financial<br />
crisis nor for the ensuing economic recession. On the contrary, the<br />
crisis has pushed up unemployment and reduced Europeans’ well-being.<br />
Basically, Europe has become impoverished with the crisis.<br />
But the crisis is also an opportunity—which is how Steinberg sees<br />
it—to win back a certain amount of political leadership. Indeed, in addition<br />
to what has been stated with respect to the possibilities of the euro, the<br />
necessary increase in the representativeness of the institutions of governance<br />
and the foreseeable climate of dialogue fit in well with the European<br />
Union’s soft power, although this requires it to give shape to a common<br />
position, at least on economic matters.<br />
— 15 —